mardi 21 mai 2013

5. Türkmen Basın konseyine uluslarası katılım



Basın konseyine uluslarası katılım

5. Türkmen basın konseyi kurultayına Cumhurbaşkanı Abdullah Gül’ün  Ortadoğu başdanışmanı Erşt Hürmüzlünün yanı sıra  çok sayıda Türkmen, Arap ve yabancı basın mensupları da katıldı. 

Basın Konseyine katılan Irak Gazeteciler Cemiyeti Başkanı Mueyyet El-lami, Azerbaycanlı yazar ve düşünür Gazanfer Paşayiv delegelere hitap ettiler. 

Yien oturumlarda Mueyyet El-lami, Eyat El-Zamili, Sermet El-Tai, Gazvan Casim, Dr. Nebil Casim, Abdul cebbar Aziz birer konuşma yaptı.

Fransa’dan Gilles Munier, Londra’dan Dr. Usame Mehdi, Mısır’dan Ebu Bekir Ebulmect, Belçika’dan Merry Fitzgerald, ABD’den Dr. Barbara aziz birer konuşma yaptılar.

Güngör Yavuzaslan

mardi 14 mai 2013

IRAQI TURKMEN FRONT TURKEY REPRESENTATION: WE SHARE THE PAIN OF 76 MILLION


      

Iraqi Turkmen Front Turkey Representation made a statement regarding the attacks in Reyhanlı and condemned the attacks with ‘vehemence’ and ‘loathing’.
As the Iraqi Turkmen Front Turkey Representation condemned the explosives attacks in Reyhanlı which killed and injured many people with ‘vehemence’ and ‘loathing’ the Representation also stated that ‘we deeply share the pain of our 76 brothers’.
Iraqi Turkmen Front Turkey Representation made the following statement regarding the attacks in Reyhanlı:
“We are fully confident that these atrocious attacks which are endeavoring to pull Turkey into a spiral of violence are doomed to fail. The Republic of Turkey is a great State and strong enough to overcome this sorrow. The Turkish nation will not allow its unity and integrity to be compromised. We ask the mercy of God on the souls of our brothers who lost their lives in the attacks and condolences to their families and relatives and hope that our wounded brothers get well soon.”

dimanche 5 mai 2013

The Tragedy of the inhabitants of the Turkmen village of Beşir, Kirkuk Province, Northern Iraq

Beşir is situated 20 km south-west of Kirkuk


Twenty seven years ago, in 1986, the  6.000 inhabitants of the Turkmen village of Beşir (Beshir) situated in Kirkuk Province, Northern Iraq, were illegally evicted from their homes and their agricultural lands were illegally confiscated under the arabization policy of the former Iraqi regime. 

Some time later the former Iraqi regime ordered the destruction of all the houses in order to prevent the inhabitants of Beşir from returning to live in their village.

The lands belonging to the Turkmens were given to Arabs from neighbouring areas, in application of a policy of the Baath regime designed to arabise Turkmen towns and villages in Kirkuk province. The name of Beşir was arabised and became 'Al-Bashir'.

Today, ten years after the regime change in Iraq, the people of Beşir have still not recuperated their agricultural lands and they are still waiting to receive compensation for the destruction of their homes, the confiscation of their agricultural lands and their loss of income.


The unresolved property claims of the inhabitants of the Turkmen village of Beşir.

Beşir (Beshir) is a large Turkmen village in the north of Iraq, it is situated 20 km south-west of Kirkuk, it lies on the Khassa River which takes its source in the mountains north of Kirkuk. Beşir was built by the Turkmens in the middle of a vast plain of fertile agricultural lands. The Turkmens cultivated the land and produced cereals, fruits and vegetables, they also raised cattle, mainly ovine and bovine.

During the Ottoman rule, Beşir’s inhabitants had registered their lands officially in their names and the government had issued them official land property certificates or “deeds”.  During the early years of the newly founded Iraqi state (in 1921) the people of Beşir renewed their land registration certificates and deeds.

From 1921 up to 1958 Beşir had grown bigger and its inhabitants enjoyed economic growth,  they built a new school and a medical centre.  They started mechanizing and modernizing their farming tools and equipment, they bought tractors and harvesting equipment and they extended their farms beyond their officially registered lands and cultivated ‘government owned lands’ at the border of their village as these were not used by anyone.  These lands were called “Amiri” lands and the Turkmens payed an extra yearly tax to the government to cultivate these lands.

In 1959, one year after the toppling of the monarchy in Iraq, a land reform law was issued to regulate land ownership restricting the use of “Amiri” lands in order to distribute them to the landless Arabs.  Gradually these “Amiri” lands were taken from the Beşir farmers to be given “in theory” to poor Arab farmers.  Unfortunately, all these “Amiri” lands fell under the control of some politically influential people, relatives of well known Arab and Kurdish feudal lords called Sheiks and Aghas.

This is how the Turkmen village of Beşir was rapidly surrounded by new Arab and Kurdish villages.

Despite the loss of the “Amiri” lands, the inhabitants of  Beşir managed to improve their income thanks to the mechanization of agriculture and the regular use of fertilizers starting in the early 1960s. In addition, a new generation of young people from Beşir who had graduated from institutes and colleges were appointed in well paid government jobs thus contributing to the social progress of the village.

In the 1970’s Beşir had become a thriving Turkmen village of some 700 families (over 5.000 people) who owned 48.000 donums (+/- 12.000 hectars) of farmland. It had five schools, a good size hospital, a police station, seven mosques, a potable water system and electricity supply to all houses. 

In the early 1980’s, after the start of the Iraq-Iran war, and despite the enrolment of several hundreds of young men from Beşir in the army to fight in the front lines against Iran, the government security forces arrested hundreds of intellectuals from Beşir,  accusing them of being activists in the outlawed Islamic Da’wa party, many of these intellectuals were later executed.

Beşir: a thriving Turkmen village in northern Iraq whose inhabitants were expelled under the arabisation policy of the former regime.

Beşir’s inhabitants were all Turkmens whose ancestors had built the village several centuries ago. They had developed the village and had constituted a well organized community where people lived in good harmony and cooperation with each other and in good intelligence with their neighbours until 1986 when they were expelled from their village and their land and properties were confiscated and given to Arabs from neighbouring areas, in application of a policy of the former regime designed to arabise Turkmen towns and villages in Kirkuk province.

The Ethnic Cleansing of the Turkmens of Beşir

In 1986 the misfortune of the people of Beşir reached its peak when the entire community was expelled from the village, their lands and houses were confiscated to be given to Arabs from neighbouring areas and the name of Beşir was arabised and became ‘Al-Bashir’.  
 
Thus, while the young Turkmens of Beşir were used as cannon fodder to fight in the war against Iran, their families were subjected to terrible human rights abuses, they were victims of forced displacement and expulsion from their homes, with confiscation of their lands and properties, without any valid reason or any legal justification. They were moved to some communal compounds, which had been built in a rush to serve as transitional residence for these forcibly displaced people, on the road to Tikrit.

After a year in these compounds almost all the families from Beşir were dispersed to cities throughout Iraq, i.e. Basra, Diyala, Erbil, Kut, etc.  without being provided with housing and without receiving any compensation for their illegally confiscated properties and lands.

Moreover, the Iraqi authorities completely destroyed the homes of the Beşir people to prevent them from returning (see picture below)




Dr. Hassan Aydinli standing on the spot where his family house stood before it was demolished under the arabization policy of the former regime.


After the displacement of the Turkmens, the Iraqi government embarked on a major irrigation project in the Beşir area, greatly increasing the productivity of the land. In the mid-1990s, the government began resettling Arab tribesmen in the area, offering them twenty-five donums of irrigated farmland on annual leases. More than 200 Arab families moved to the area.

During the 2003 US invasion/occupation of Iraq the Arabs who had been settled in Beşir by the former regime did not leave and they continued to occupy the lands belonging to Turkmens.  This was due to the fact that neither the coalition forces nor the Kurdish Peshmerga took control of the district and that the Turkmens, although they constitute Iraq’s third main ethnic community, do not have armed militias to defend themselves.

Turkmens of Beshir: Refugees in their own country


                                           
“The illegal eviction and displacement of the inhabitants of the thriving Turkmen village of Beşir, all of whom were landlords and productive farmers, constitute a serious crime against humanity.  This unfair decision which hit all of the 6.000 inhabitants of Beşir in 1986 seriously affected them and completely changed the course of their lives. The stripping of their basic human rights has made them poor and powerless, preventing them from achieving any of their goals as they were made refugees in their own country.

Today,  twenty seven years after their forced displacement and ten years after the regime change in Iraq, the people of Beşir are still waiting to receive compensation for the destruction of their homes, for the confiscation of their agricultural lands and for their loss of income, despite the fact that the crimes committed against the inhabitants of Beşir have been acknowledged in the introduction of the New Iraqi Constitution as equal to the crimes committed against the Arabs of Al-Dujail and the Kurds of Halabja.

In 2003 the people of Beşir filed a complaint to the Iraqi Properties Claims Commission (PCC) and in 2005 the Tribunal passed a judgement that the properties must be returned to the people of Beşir because they had been illegally confiscated.

Unfortunately, to date the original inhabitants of Beşir have not  received any compensation whatsoever although the Properties Claims Commission has spent 250 million Dollars for other places where people had influence.

When it comes to Turkmens, the Properties Claims Commission seems paralyzed, from all the complaints’ files which were presented to the Property Claims Commisssion in Kirkuk none of the files belonging to Turkmens has been finalized.

The number of complaint cases which were presented to the Property Claims Commission in Kirkuk is about 44.000,  80% of which are of Turkmens.  The Kurdified administration of Kirkuk has continually hampered the decisions of the PCC.  Today, only about 20% of the cases are completed and not a single file belonging to Turkmens has been completed.

Only about 100 Turkmen families (widows and orphans of Turkmen martyrs) have returned to Beşir, thanks to the Iraqi Turkmen Front who has built new houses for them.


The Turkmens are caught between hammer and anvil

The Turkmen region in Iraq called  'Turkmeneli 'is a 'buffer zone' separating the Kurds in the north from the Arabs in the South.

During the last decades the peaceful and unarmed Turkmens have been victims of arabisation and kurdification.

Since the U.S.-UK invasion and occupation of Iraq in 2003 the Kurds (with their peshmerga) have occupied and imposed their rule over the Turkmen region, with the blessings of the U.S. military.

Ten years after Iraq was 'liberated' the Turkmens - who are Iraq’s third main ethnic community alongside the Arabs and Kurds and the north of Iraq’s second main community alongside the Kurds - continue to be discriminated and targeted and their human rights continue to be violated.

The revenues of the Iraqi state are not fairly distributed, and the Turkmens do not receive their due share, in fact, while the Kurds get 17% of the revenues the Turkmens receive nothing.

If the tragedy of the people of Beşir and of of other Turkmen villages who suffered the same tragic fate does not get the attention it deserves in the media, it is mainly because foreign journalists seldom venture to visit Kirkuk and its region for security reasons, in fact most foreign journalists who are in the north of Iraq report from Erbil or from Suleymaniya where they are often influenced by Kurdish propaganda. 


References:

Dr Saadetin Ergeç, ITF President, declaration in 2004 to HRW
Human Rights Watch Report
Claims in Conflict : Reversing Ethnic Cleansing in Northern Iraq
Case Study: Al-Bashir village
http://www.hrw.org/en/node/11985/section/8


According to HRW (Human Rights Watch Report August 2004 – Reversing Ethnic Cleansing in  Northern Iraq) in 2003 the evicted Turkmens from Beşir wanted to return to their village, but the Arabs who occupied their village and lands insisted they would only leave after a decision on the property dispute was made by a new Iraqi government.  The Turkmens from Beşir intended to march on their village to chase the Arabs who occupied their lands illegally, but the U.S. military in Kirkuk prevented them from doing so and they initiated a mediation of the dispute in early September that year. The mediation was led and controlled by U.S. authorities and did not involve a panel of Iraqis.

Unlike the Dogurtkan (a Kurdish village) mediation, where an Iraqi panel actually settled property disputes, the Beşir mediation was an explicit short-term agreement, leaving the long-term issues of property-ownership unresolved. Among other things, the agreement provided for the allocation of thirteen donums of land for the winter agricultural season, on a non-renewable basis, to each landless Arab family living in Beşir, and that Arab farmers be granted the winter harvest. Decisions on land allocation would be made by a committee composed of representatives of the local agricultural directorate and coalition forces. Complaints relating to compensation claims were to be submitted within sixty days of the signing of the agreement to a commission set up for this purpose, composed of representatives of Taza district agricultural department, Kirkuk directorate and coalition forces. Arab families originally from outlying areas and who did not own a place of residence in the village would be required to leave the village within a year of the signing of the agreement. Returning Turkmen families would not be allowed to enter the village, except by invitation, during the period in which Arabs remained on disputed land.

see also: 

Census of population and land in Kirkuk subdivision at the time of Sultan Suleiman The Magnificent

http://turkmenelinews.blogspot.be/2013/05/census-of-population-and-land-in-kirkuk.html


samedi 4 mai 2013

Iraq still uses phony bomb detectors -


“The British government must be held responsible for all the explosions that happened,”


AFP BAGHDAD

Saturday, 4 May 2013


Most Iraqis familiar with the fake devices, made of black plastic with a pistol-style grip and a small silver antenna, do not have any regard for them. (AFP)


A policeman in Baghdad knows the bomb detector he uses is fake, and will do virtually nothing to save anyone’s life, but he has his orders.


“If I were given a mop and told that it detects bombs in cars, I would still do it without any hesitation,” he told AFP, asking not to be identified.


“The device is a 100 percent failure and we know that, but it is imposed on us; we cannot disobey direct orders,” he added.


James McCormick, a British businessman, made an estimated $ 240 million selling the “bomb detectors,” based on a novelty golf ball finder, to Iraq and other countries.


He was sentenced on Thursday to 10 years in jail for fraud.


But despite the sentencing and overwhelming evidence that the devices are worthless, the Iraqi government has not taken them out of circulation.


Relying on bomb detectors that do not work is an especially grave issue in Iraq, where violence is a major problem and bombings by militants are common.

vendredi 3 mai 2013

Beautiful poem by Bobby Sands, Irish martyr


Weeping Winds
Bobby Sands


Oh! Cold March winds your cruel laments
Are hard on prisoners’ hearts,
For you bring my mother’s pleading cries
From whom I have to part.
I hear her weeping lonely sobs
Her sorrows sweep me by,
And in the dark of prison cell
A tear has warmed my eye.
Oh! Whistling winds why do you weep
When roaming free you are,
Oh! Is it that your poor heart’s broke
And scattered off afar?
Or is it that you bear the cries
Of people born unfree,
Who like your way have no control
Or sovereign destiny?
Oh! Lonely winds that walk the night
To haunt the sinner’s soul
Pray pity me a wretched lad
Who never will grow old.
Pray pity those who lie in pain
The bondsman and the slave,
And whisper sweet the breath of God
Upon my humble grave.
Oh! Cold March winds that pierce the dark
You cry in aged tones
For souls of folk you’ve brought to God
But still you bear the moans.
Oh! Weeping wind this lonely night
My mother’s heart is sore,
Oh! Lord of all breathe freedom’s breath
That she may weep no more.

mercredi 1 mai 2013

Türkmen politikacılar peşmergeleri istemiyor



Irak’taki Türkmen politikacılar, Kerkük’te bulunan peşmerge güçlerinin kentten çekilmesini istedi.


Irak Türkmen Cephesi Başkanı Erşed Salihi ve bir grup Türkmen politikacı, Irak Milli Meclisi’ndeki Türkmen bakanlar ve milletvekilleri adına, basın açıklaması yaptı. Açıklamayı okuyan Erşed Salihi, Kerkük Valisi’nin, Kerkük’ü Irak Kürt Bölgesel Yönetimi’ne (IKBY) bağlı bir ilçe olarak gördüğü için peşmerge güçlerinin ihtilaflı bölgelere girmesini talep ettiğini ileri sürdü. Salihi, Peşmerge güçlerinin bir an önce Kerkük’ten çekilmesini talep ettiklerini söyledi.

Kerkük’ün, Irak’taki Türkmenlerin kalbi olduğunu dile getiren Salihi, konuşmasını şöyle sürdürdü:
"Kerkük Valisi’ne, Kerkük’teki tüm hak ihlallerine ve demografik değişikliklere rağmen Kerkük’ün Irak’taki Türkmenlerin kalbi olduğunu söylüyoruz. Kerkük’te milletvekilleri, Türkmen partileri, Türkmen temsilciler var. Siyasi heves uğruna ferdi kararlar alınmaması gerekirdi. IKBY’deki kardeşlerimizden Türkmen halkının iradesine saygı duymalarını istiyoruz. Peşmergelerin en kısa zamanda çekilmesinin gerekliliğine dikkati çekiyoruz."

KERKÜK VE DİĞER İHTİLAFLI BÖLGELERDE YEREL GÜÇLER
Salihi, Bağdat yönetiminden, Kerkük ve diğer illerdeki ihtilaflı bölgelerde (Türkmenlerin yaşadığı bölgeler) güvenliğin sağlaması için merkezi hükümetin ilgili bakanlıklarına bağlı birimlerden ve bölge halkından yerel güçlerin oluşturulmasını istediklerini bildirdi.

Yerel güce alternatif olarak, uluslararası tarafsız bir gücün de istekleri arasında olduğunu ifade eden Salihi, şunları kaydetti:
"Kerkük, Diyale, Tuzhurmatu, Telafer’e emrivaki siyasetlerin uygulanmasını engellemek amacıyla uluslararası güç bu bölgelere yerleştirilsin. Havice’deki göstericilerden de resmi bir tutum bekliyoruz. Kendilerine şunu soruyoruz: ’Kürtler’in söylediği gibi, topraklarınız gerçekten terörün yuvası mıdır?’ Kürtler, Kerkük ve Tuzhurmatu’daki masum insanlara saldırı düzenlenmesini önlemek için mi bu topraklara gelmiş. BM’den bu hassas bölgelerde olup bitenler karşısında resmi bir tutum sergilemesini istiyoruz." Salihi, karışık ve ihtilaflı olarak nitelendirilen ve Türkmenlerin yaşadığı bölgelerle ilgili politikalar nedeniyle Kerkük’te seçimlerin hiçbir zaman yapılamayacağını savundu.

mardi 30 avril 2013

ONLINE COURSES AVAILABLE FOR FREE


Yale, Stanford, MIT, Cornell, and many other universities around the world have introduced free open courses in subjects like physics, biology, and chemistry. In many cases, there is a semester’s worth of recorded lectures, along with exams to test your knowledge. If you have ever wanted an Ivy League science education, here’s your chance!

Complete list here: http://bit.ly/10OPhfE

Photo credit: Yale University

Note: In the event of a crashed server, please bookmark and try again later.














Yale, Stanford, MIT, Cornell, and many other universities around the world have introduced free open courses in subjects like physics, biology, and chemistry. In many cases, there is a semester’s worth of recorded lectures, along with exams to test your knowledge. If you have ever wanted an Ivy League science education, here’s your chance!

Complete list here: http://bit.ly/10OPhfE

vendredi 26 avril 2013

Iraqi Kurdistan a dictatorship? current president will break law, run for election again


Elections will held in Iraqi Kurdistan in September. And despite the fact that local laws say he can’t, the current president may run for the job again. Local MPS are hatching several cunning plans to get around the law.

On April 18, the President of Iraqi Kurdistan Massoud Barzani, announced that parliamentary and presidential elections would be held in the semi autonomous region in September this year. And many others said that Barzani would also be running for President again, come September 21.

But there’s a problem there. According to current laws in the semi-autonomous region, the President of the region may only remain in power for two terms. A term is four years. And Barzani will complete his two terms in the middle of this year.
Yet many senior politicians in Iraqi Kurdistan – including the Barzani’s party, the Kurdistan Democratic Party’s spokesperson, Jafar Ibrahim Eminki - have said that they are trying to get around the law in order to allow Barzani to be nominated for a third term as President. Senior politicians from the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan have also said that they don’t have anyone to replace Barzani.
Generally power is shared between two major parties in Iraqi Kurdistan - the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) – and in practice the region is basically split into two separate zones of influence, with local administrations in Erbil and Dohuk controlled by the KDP and the Sulaymaniyah area mostly administered by the PUK.

There are also opposition parties in the region, including the relatively influential Change Movement, also known as Goran, which is formed of many dissatisfied with the two major parties.

 And opposition parties in Iraqi Kurdistan responded with strong criticism to the idea that Barzani might be nominated for President again. In a joint press conference, the Change Movement and the region’s two major Islamic parties, said that trying to change the law to allow Barzani to remain in power was a step toward dictatorship in Iraqi Kurdistan and was a blatant disregard of the law.
“We don’t have any problems with Barzani as a person,” Aram Sheikh Muhammad, director of the elections office for the Change Movement, told NIQASH. “The problem is that the law doesn’t allow him to run for another term.”

The critics of the plan for Barzani to run again suspect that the KDP and PUK have various ideas to circumvent the current law. One sees legal experts interpreting the law in such a way that Barzani is able to run for election again.

Ali Awni, a senior member of the KDP, gave a clue as to how that plan might work. He told NIQASH that in 2005, when Barzani first became President of the region, there were no actual elections held. Barzani was never elected and he was appointed President by the local parliament, via  political agreement between the leading political parties in the region.  

“The President was elected by the people for the first time in 2009,” Awni explained to NIQASH. “So if he runs again it will only be for election for the second time.”

Awni added that as yet, Barzani himself hadn’t suggested that he run for President again. He said it was an issue that the opposition parties were talking about publicly in order to pre-empt any such thing happening. This was a violation of Barzani’s own rights and “it didn’t serve the public interests,” Awni noted.

The second way of allowing Barzani to run again would involve MPS belonging to the KDP and PUK going back to parliament to amend the law – the KDP and PUK have 59 out of 111 seats in the Iraqi Kurdish parliament.

However the latter could run into problems as it appears that not all the members of PUK like the idea of Barzani running again. “If Barzani wants to nominate himself again, then it must be under an amended law,” Arez Abdullah, a leading member of the PUK, said. “But if the law isn’t amended then Barzani cannot be nominated to run. But up until now nobody in the PUK has even discussed this with the KDP. If they approached us on this issue, then we’d make a public announcement of you r position.”

Meanwhile Bakhtyar Saeed, a local lawyer and political observer, says that if Barzani is eventually nominated to run for a third term, the conflicts that already exist between the two ruling parties and the opposition movement in Iraqi Kurdistan will only deepen.  
“Barzani has finished two terms and he cannot re-nominate himself,” Saeed confirmed. “But the KDP is not ready to give away this position at any price. They believe that if the opposition succeeds in preventing Barzani’s nomination, then they will lose a lot of power in a very short time. That’s something they will never accept.”