mercredi 2 mai 2007

TURKMEN MP IN THE IRAQI PARLIAMENT CALLS FOR AN AUTONOMOUS TURKMEN REGION IN IRAQ

Mr Fawzi Akram, a Turkmen Member of the Iraqi Parliament






طالب فوزي اكرم حق تقرير مصير التركمان في العراق

طالب عضو البرلمان العراقي السيد فوزي اكرم ترزي في الجلسة الاخيرة لمجلس النواب العراقي امام اعضاء لجنة تعديل الدستور واعضاء مجلس النواب والهيئة الرئاسية طالب بأسم تركمان العراق المظلومين حق تقرير مصير التركمان في العراق ورفض رفضا قاطعا اللجنة المصغرة لدراسة المادة 140 للدستور ووصفها بانها عملية تسويس وتمرير المادة 140 بصفقات سياسية خلف الكواليس وكذلك اعرب عن سبب عدم اخذ بنظر الاعتبار مقترحات وتعديلات واراء الاحزاب والحركات والمنظمات والشخصيات وطنية تركمانية ، كما طالب عضو البرلمان ترزي بالتدخل السريع لهيئة الامم المتحدة بهذا الخصوص لان هناك تجاوزات وانتهاكات وخرق في الدستور منها :- تقول المادة 140 اولا ما يلي تتولى السلطة التنفيذية ومفهوم السلطة التنفيذية قد تم تعريفه في نص المادة 66 من الدستور الحالي بأنها تتكون من هيئة الرئاسة ( الجمهورية ) ومجلس الوزراء الغريب في الامر ان مجلس الوزراء انفرد بوضع المعالجات واتخذ القرارات دون الرجوع الى هيئة الرئاسة ابتداءا، ومن ثم العودة الى مجلس النواب بأخذ موافقته ، وبهذا نلاحظ بأن الحكومة العراقية قد انتهكت الدستور في اخطر مواقعه وفي اعقد المواضيع واكثرها حساسية الا وهي قضية مدينة كركوك مدينة كل العراقيين بطابعها التركماني الاصيل .فعلى لجنة تعديل الدستور ان تضع الضمانات لتطبيق الدستور بكل فقراته ولا تعتمد على الانتقائية وغبن حق شرائح المجتمع العراقي الاخرى وبالخصوص التركمان ، علما ان التركمان ضحوا الكثير الكثير من اجل اعلاء كلمة الحق والعدالة صفا واحدا مع مكونات الشعب العراقي وعلى اللجنة ان تنتظر تعديل الدستور والمصادقة عليه لكي لا تقع في دوامة المشاكل التي لا تحل لا سامح الله خصوصا في ظل هذا الظرف العصيب والذي نحن فيه بأمس الحاجة الى تهدئة وضبط النفس والمصالحة الوطنية وليس لاثارة المشاكل لذلك نداءي للسلطة التنفيذية ( مجلس الوزراء ورئاسة الجمهورية ) ان تنتبه لهذه النقاط وان تأخذها على محمل الجد لكي نضمن وحدة العراق ارضا وشعبا وعلما ودولة والا سوف نضطر لرفع مذكرة شكوى الى محكمة الاتحادية العليا وذلك لا ستبيان رأيهم وقراءة المادة الدستورية 140 والاقرار بها من قبل المحكمة
140.فوزي اكرم ترزي عضو البرلمان العراقي و عضو لجنة المادة

TURKMENS, TURKMENELI AND THE MUSUL REGION

Mr. Orhan KETENE, ITF US Representative

IMPORTANT


THE FOLLOWING REPORT IS A MUST READ, NOT ONLY FOR THE TURKMENS, BUT FOR EVERYONE WHO IS INTERESTED TO LEARN MORE ABOUT THE REASONS FOR THE EXPLOSIVE SITUATION WHICH PREVAILS IN THE NORTH OF IRAQ TODAY

TURKMENS, TURKMENELI AND THE MUSUL REGION
by Orhan KETENE
Please see: NY Turkmen Institute at:

mardi 1 mai 2007

Nasreddin TUSI, Azerbaijani scientist


Azerbaijani scientist Nasreddin TUSI is buried in the Imam KAZEM Mosque in Baghdad.

IRAQI TURKMENS AND AZERBAIJANIS SHARE A COMMON ANCESTRY

Links to Turkmen in Iraq
Azerbaijanis in Iraq - Little Known People
by Gazanfar Pashayev
(AI 11:1, Spring 2003)


Not many Azerbaijanis realize that they are closely related to one of Iraq's largest ethnic minorities, the Turkmen. These two Turkic peoples speak the same language and share a common ancestry. Furthermore, several important Azerbaijani revered intellectuals - classical poets and scientists - are buried in Iraq.Researchers estimate that the Turkmen population in Iraq is now between 2.5 and 2.6 million. Since the Turkmen are not concentrated in one central location, however, it is difficult to provide exact figures related to population. Many Turkmen live in one of the richest oil-producing areas of the world in Kirkuk, which is about 250 km north of the capital of Baghdad.

Similar Languages
The Turkmen settled in Iraq beginning in the 7th century. Wars and the resulting treaties in the area eventually separated the Azerbaijanis living in Iraq and Azerbaijan. Their languages, however, stayed basically the same. For instance, even though Ottoman Turkish was declared as the written language for the Turkmen, their spoken language and folklore more closely reflects Azeri.Azerbaijani, Turkish and Iraqi scholars affirm that Azeri and the Turkmen dialect are very similar to each other. They both come from the same root - the Oghuz group of Turkic languages. Although these two dialects survived a long history without any connection, there are no significant differences between them today.In fact, Turkmen grammar and phonetics is very characteristic of the language of the ancient Azerbaijani epic "Kitabi Dada-Gorgud," ("The Book of My Grandfather Gorgud.") This compilation of legends was set down in writing during the 11th century but contains stories that can be traced back to the 6th and 7th centuries. Dozens of words and expressions that were used in "Dada Gorgud" but are not in use any more in Azeri are still alive and have kept their original meaning in the Turkmen dialect.

Similar Place Names
Several cities and villages found in the Kirkuk region of Iraq bear the same names as ones in Azerbaijan, such as Aghdash, Aghdam, Bilava, Aghsu, Guruchay, Boyat, Garabagh, Garagoyunlu, Amirli, Yayji, Yandija, Mardinli, Uchtapa, Khasa , Khasadaghli Chardakhli. Near the city of Kifri in Iraq, there is a fortress named "Shirvan Galasi" (Shirvan Fortress). In 1961, this Shirvan fortress was identified as a historical monument of the Turkmen in the map of Iraq. Similarly, in Azerbaijan, there is the 15th-century palace located in Baku's Inner City called the Shirvanshah Palace, built between 1420-1460 where the residency of Shirvanshah state situated that was created during the first part of the 6th century and lasted till 1538 and was managed by the Shirvanshahs dynasty. When Azerbaijani poet Khagani Shirvani (1126­1199) made a trip to Middle East in 1156, he wrote his famous philosophical poem "The Ruins of Madain." His travel notes were compiled in a "safarname" called "Tohfatul Irageyn" (The Gift of Two Iraqs). Today in Madain, only the ruins of the Shah's Palace exist.

Nasiraddin Tusi
Nasiraddin Tusi (1201­1274) was an Azerbaijani astronomer, philosopher and mathematician who was famous for building the largest observatory in the East. Begun in 1259, the observatory still stands in Maragha, near Tabriz, in the Azerbaijani region of Iran. [See photos of this observatory in the article "Nasir al-Din Tusi (1201-1274) and the Maragha Observatory," AI 4.2 (Summer 1996). Search at AZER.com.]Nasiraddin Tusi's grave is located in Iraq, in Baghdad's Museyi-Kazimi Mosque. Tusi is buried alongside with Museyi Kazim's grave in Museyi Kazim Mosque. The text on his tomb reads: "This is the tomb of Khoja Nasiraddin Al-Tusi Mahammad bin Mahammad Al-Hasan. He was born on Saturday dawn, Jamadul 11, 597 (Hijri calendar) [February 18, 1201 in Tus, Khorasan, which is now in Iran]. He died Monday evening, Zulhajja 18, 672 [June 26, 1274], in Baghdad. "Pity you, Nasiraddin Tusi!" Another inscription on the tomb reads: "The helper of religion and people, King in the world of Science - such a son had never before been born."

Fuzuli
Classicall Azerbaijani poet Mahammad Fuzuli (1495­1556) is perhaps best known for his version of the classic love story "Leyli and Majnun." Fuzuli's poetic version of this ancient Arabic legend became the setting for the first opera of the Muslim East, Uzeyir Hajibeyov's "Leyli and Majnun" (1908). Fuzuli is also famous for two collections of poetry, called "divans", one in Azeri and one in Persian.Fuzuli died in the sacred city of Karbala in Iraq. His tomb was originally located outdoors, near the western door of the Imam Husein Mosque. Later, due to road construction planned for the city of Karbala, the tomb was destroyed (maybe intentionally) and the poet's remains was moved inside the mosque, where it lies today. This was done by order of the Municipality Office of Karbala, which allegedly planned to build a new tomb in Fuzuli's memory.The sign next to Fuzuli's tomb reads: "The poet Fuzuli Baghdadi. Mahammad Bin Suleyman, the poet known by the name Fuzuli Baghdadi was born in [1494] in Baghdad. Some people indicate that he was born in Karbala while others in Hilla. But the most exact place of his birth is Baghdad. He died in [1556]. He wrote fine poetry in Arabic and Turkish languages. He spoke Azeri, a Turkic language." Iraqi authorities didn't mention his knowledge and poetry in Persian, due to bad relations with Iran.

Nasimi
Another famous Azerbaijani poet, Nasimi (died in 1417), also has a link to Iraq. Famous for his mysticism, as if allegedly flayed alive for his beliefs that God dwelled inside each individual. One of Nasimi's poetic works was titled "Iraqi Divan." In the beginning of the 1970s Seyid Heydar gave a 286-page manuscript of this work to Abdullatif Bandaroghlu, a scientist from Kirkuk province. Heydar considered himself to be a descendant of Shah Ismayil. This manuscript of the Iraqi Divan had been copied by Molla Turab Ibn Molla Safil Ibn Molla Amin in 1853.

Gazanfar Pashayev, lived in Iraq from 1962 to 1966 and again from 1972 to 1975. He has written 10 books related to the Turkmen of Iraq. Major works include: "Six Years Along the Banks of Dejla-Farat Rivers" [meaning between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers], "Kirkuk Songs" (Baku, 1973), "An Anthology of Iraqi-Turkoman Folklore" (Baku, 1987; 1999), "Divan Nasimi" (Baku, 1987), "Kirkuk Khoyrats" (Baku, 1983), and "TurkmenProverbs" (Baku, 1978). Baku's Nizami Literature Museum has a Permanent Collection on display of Karkuk-related (Turkmen) material that has been gathered by Pashayev.

Kerkük Türkmeneli, Türkmen Kalacak

ITF PRESIDENT DR ERGEC GREETS THE IRAQI TURKMENS ON THE 12th ANNIVERSARY OF THE CREATION OF THE FRONT

آركيج يحيّي تركمان العراق بمناسبة تأسيس جبهتهم وسندهم في الايام الصعبة

كركوك/متابعة القلعةحيا
الدكتور سعد الدين آركيج رئيس الجبهة التركمانية العراقية وعضو البرلمان تركمان العراق الذين يناضلون من اجل قضيتهم العادلة وجميع
الاحزاب السياسية التركمانية المنضوية تحت لواء الجبهة ورؤسائها والعاملين فيها.وقال آركيج خلال احتفالات واسعة نظمها الآلاف من ابناء الشعب التركماني بمناسبة الذكرى الثانية عشرة لتأسيس الجبهة التركمانية العراقية ان الجهود الخيرة ينبغي ان تتكاتف لحماية مدينة كركوك من الدخلاء والطامعين لان اهلها يستحقون الاستقرار والحياة الرغيدة في ظل العيش الكريم الذي يسوده التسامح والسلام.واضاف ان المادة(140) من الدستور ليست في صالح كركوك والشعب التركماني مشدداً على ضرورة اجراء تعديلات جوهرية على بعض فقراتها وارجاع المرحلين غير الحقيقيين الى ديارهم وانهاء التجاوزات على اراضي الدولة والبنايات الحكومية.ومن الجدير بالذكر ان مراسلة(القلعة) في كركوك قامت بتغطية شاملة لاحتفالات تأسيس الجبهة واجرت حوارات مع شخصيات تركمانية رفيعة المستوى تحدثوا بفرح غامر عن هذه المناسبة.تفاصيل اخرى ص2

samedi 28 avril 2007

WILL YOU EVER FORGIVE US?

Painting: "Embargo"
Merry Fitzgerald


To an Unknown Iraqi
Hans von Sponeck
UN Humanitarian Coordinator for Iraq (1998-2000)
Geneva, 1st June 2003

To an Unknown Iraqi

There were few flowers, flags or smiling faces. Where were those weapons of mass destruction we assuredly would find? We suffered no guilt and made no apologies says Hans von Sponeck.

What we have done to you in the name of freedom and democracy has no parallel in history. We have trampled the truth concerning your suffering, we endeavoured to solicit allies through bribery and ruthlessly marginalized those who objected to our imperial intentions. Brute force became the substitute for the promise of 1945 “to save future generations from the scourge of war”. It was you who paid the price.

Will you ever forgive us?

The torture of dictatorship was terrible for you; we added the sword of sanctions. The curse of double punishment for something you had not done was the verdict against you. Two million of you died during those years, perhaps more. The figure does not really matter. None should have died because of us; everyone had the right to live, as we do, in peace. Let us not forget the many who are still alive may never live again, maimed and traumatized forever, reduced to empty human shells. We never really wanted to share with you the dream of freedom and democracy. All we were willing to pass on to you was naked hypocrisy.

Will you ever forgive us?

The camera of life takes real pictures. Lest we choose the wrong lenses they tell us the truth. We cannot pretend that we did not know of your plight. We can but admit that we have contributed to your suffering with unsurpassed ferocity. We knew of the malnourishment of your children. We knew of their deaths in the thousands and felt no guilt. Our vision was properly priced, we thought. We did not hesitate a moment to block ever increasing amounts of supplies you needed for survival. They might be used for weapons of mass destruction we argued. Ultimately we had to admit that the sanctions we imposed on you were the most effective weapons of mass destruction deployed.

Will you ever forgive us?

For a long time we limited the amount of oil you could sell, and took from this limitation funds to pay for wealthy governments and firms in compensation for losses they said they incurred when your government was the aggressor in Kuwait. We know that many of your children would not have died had these funds come instead to you. We refused to allow you resources to maintain your schools, hospitals, roads and bridges, to pay for your civil servants, doctors and teachers. We did not even shy away from withholding the meager travel money you wanted to pay your hajjis so that they could pray in Mecca.

Will you ever forgive us?

It was our mandate to follow the impact of our policies on your lives. We severely neglected this responsibility. Intimidated by the power of the moment, we closed our eyes and ears and ignored your pain. We decided that the oil for food programme, the fig leaf of our conscience, was good enough to give you what you needed. Your suffering therefore had nothing to do with us, we pretended. Our former ally, your dictator, was declared the sole source of your misery. Whoever among us protested on your behalf was pronounced unpatriotic, declared a social outcast, was belittled, maligned and even arrested. This was democracy in action.

Will you ever forgive us?

Of course, it did not escape us that the most innocent and most vulnerable among you, your children, the nation’s leaders of tomorrow, were also the most severely punished. Your children did not get the education you and we have had. We purposely blocked the repair of your printing presses and even introduced postal regulations to prevent sending you learning materials, including sheets of music. As one of you said, we destroyed your economy and continued to destroy your minds. Again and again we withheld what you needed to make your water safe to drink and to keep your rivers clean. Contaminated water was a major reason why your children died. We did not care, they were not our children. Drought, pests and epidemics joined the forces of your dictator and our sanctions. We could have increased the pittance we gave to combat these menaces but chose not to do so.

Will you ever forgive us?

There was indeed an axis of evil, an alliance of governments, think-tanks, media and corporations erecting a massive wall of disinformation. Iraq and Al Qaeda, weapons of mass destruction and terrorism, we told the world, were a lethal combination. Hundreds of tons of biological and chemical agents, missiles, rockets and hordes of terrorists were ready to destroy us. An imminent threat existed that only a pre-emptive strike could avert. All those who pleaded for peace, humanity, reason and law were subjected to and punished with ‘shock and awe’ tactics before ‘shock and awe’ was rained upon you. With cynicism we declared that 170 UN bureaucrats and three white helicopters were not up to the job of disarming Iraq. Falsified documents, plagiarized reports, invented intelligence helped us to make our case for war by instilling fear among the innocent and convincing our parliaments to concur. We pretended to care for your sovereignty, yet, in direct contradiction we unlawfully established no-fly-zones in your country and announced that our pilots were there on dangerous missions, risking their lives on your behalf. Instead they came to further weaken you and risk your lives, not ours, before declaring war.

Will you ever forgive us?

For a long time our spin doctors tried to keep us hostage as we watched the tragedy of war and illegality coming closer to your borders. Deep were the divisions among us. Many feared for you while others could not wait to begin a war that had been decided long ago. Our leaders needed to distract us from urgent and numerous social and economic problems. Our eviction from your next door neighbour was imminent. Without your oil the strategy for global domination would not work.

Will you ever forgive us?

We told our young men and women in uniform that they were fighting evil and defending the good. Years of hard work spent refining the technology of death and costing millions of dollars gave us the confidence that the losses would be on your side and not on ours. We ensured that the reports from the war front would portray us as heroes and you as the villains, extensions of an evil dictator. As predicted the most uneven war in history did not last long. Our new weapons were simply too good. While we continued our lives in the comfort of peace, we watched you suffering the horror of war. Honest reporting of a war that was killing your sons and daughters and ours as well could have meant the end of a career for a journalist.

Will you ever forgive us?

There were few flowers, flags or smiling faces. Where were those weapons of mass destruction we assuredly would find? We suffered no guilt and made no apologies. Unfortunately for you, no plan was made for starting the healing. Victors are victors. Chaos suited us well… but we made certain that the oil administration was safe. Our concerns were not yours, quite to the contrary. We watched and encouraged your anger and hate. Yes, your dictator deserved it. However, the greed, yours and ours, raped our common heritage. Your museums are empty, your libraries burnt, your universities destroyed. Only your pride is still there…. and our guilt.

Will you ever forgive us?

Geneva, 1 June 2003

H.C. Graf Sponeck

THE PLUNDERING OF IRAQ'S WEALTH

Ramzy Baroud: Stealing from the Poor and Giving to the Rich

The plundering of Iraq's wealth, first by the UN and now by Iraq's new Green Zone czars, is the biggest, most shameful financial-political scandal of our times.
By Ramzy Baroud 04/27/07

"ICH" -- -- Locating Dartmouth House, where Hans von Sponeck, former UN humanitarian coordinator for Iraq was scheduled to speak in London 18 April, was a challenge. Yet having been lost for an hour in the ever-confusing and expanding city of London was the least of my concerns the moment I slipped quietly into the lecture hall.

His statements were shocking, as were his many statistics: Iraq was simply and shamelessly robbed blind during the period of US-championed UN sanctions. Sadly, the robbery and mismanagement continue to this day, but now the figures are much more staggering.

As Mr von Sponeck spoke, I reflected on my lengthy interview with Iraq's former Ambassador to the United Nations Mohamed Al-Duri. Al-Duri, being interviewed for the first time by English-language media since taking up his post at the UN, revealed to me in early 2001, in equally shocking detail, what sanctions had done to his country and people.

He claimed that the UN was a key part of the problem. Led by two countries, the US and Britain, the UN Oil for Food Programme and the "humanitarian" mission it established in Iraq was reducing Iraqis to beggary, robbing the country blind and mis-managing funds, whereas the large bulk fuelled UN-related missions and operations, with needy Iraqi families receiving next to nothing.

He spoke of the manipulation of Iraq's wealth for political purposes and alleged that the UN was a tool in the hands of the US government, aimed at encouraging widespread popular dissatisfaction with Saddam's government, before the country was dragged into war.

In hindsight, Al-Duri's assessment was very accurate. Promoting his new book, A Different Kind of War, von Sponeck reiterated in essence and substance Al-Duri's claims; the only difference is that von Sponeck was an insider; his numbers and stories impeccable and hardly contestable.

It's no wonder that one and a half years after taking up his post in Baghdad, in 1998, he resigned. Even within such an uncongenial bureaucracy like the UN, some people still possess a living conscience; von Sponeck was and remains a man of great qualities.

By March 2003, when American forces invaded Iraq, the UN was generating $64 billion in sales of Iraqi oil, according to von Sponeck. But scandalously, only $28 billion reached the Iraqi people. If distributed evenly, each Iraqi received half a US dollar per day. According to UN figures, an individual living under one dollar per day is classified as living in "abject poverty".

Even during the most destructive phases of the war with Iran, Iraq managed to provide relatively high living standards. Its hospitals were neither dilapidated nor did its oil industry lie in ruins. Only after the advent of UN sanctions in 1991 did Iraqis suffer with such appalling magnitude. Alas, the tyranny of Saddam Hussein expanded to become the tyranny of the international community as well."Neither the welfare nor sovereignty of the Iraqi people were respected," by the UN and its two main benefactors, asserted von Sponeck.

The UN Security Council's "elected 10 or veto-wielding five" had nothing for Iraq but "empty words," and there were "deliberate efforts to make life uncomfortable (for the Iraqis) through the Oil for Food Programme". All efforts to modernise Iraq's oil industry were blocked, said von Sponeck, at the behest of "two governments that blocked all sorts of items," necessary for even basic living -- again, the US and Britain, the same two that invaded and currently occupy Iraq.

The logic in all of this is clear; the "pre- emptive" war on Iraq was but an extension of the sanctions regime.The assessments of Al-Duri and von Sponeck converge, revealing the shameful intents of the US government and its followers many years before the horror of 9/11 polarised public opinion and allowed Washington's political elites, the neoconservatives and contractors, to make their "case for war".

But where did the money go, during the sanctions and now, four years after the invasion?Von Sponeck reports that a large chunk -- 55 per cent of the money generated from Iraq's oil -- went to fund the UN's own inadequate "humanitarian" programmes. Much of the rest was usurped by the UN Compensation Commission, entrusted with handling damages claims made by those allegedly harmed by the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait.

According to von Sponeck, the Iraqi oil "pie" was so large there was plenty for everyone: Kuwait, Jordan, Turkey, and all the rest. But most ironically, the commission awarded a large sum of money to two Israeli kibbutzim in the occupied Syrian Golan Heights, for allegedly losing some of their income due to the fact that the war damaged the tourism industry in Israel.

The robbery in Iraq hardly discontinued after the "liberation". On the contrary, it intensified beyond belief. The US Government Accountability Office uncovered appalling discrepancies in the US military administration's handling of money: uncountable billions went missing; hundreds of contractors fully paid but the work never done; layer upon layer of shady companies, mercenaries and sub-contractors (Halliburton and its subsidiary Kellogg, Brown & Root but mere illustrations).

In partnership with the new rulers of Iraq, these corporations are stealing the wealth of the once prosperous nation, leaving it in shambles.And now, the Iraqis are facing enormous pressure to approve the Iraqi oil and gas law. The draft bill, according to Iraqi MP Nureddin Al-Hayyali, would give "50 per cent of the Iraqi people's oil wealth to foreign investing oil firms".

The nationalisation of the country's oil industry in 1972 is being reversed. The robbery that began in the early 1990s continues unabated. Shameful as it is, Iraq's new rulers are stealing from the poor and giving the spoils to the rich.

Ramzy Baroud is an Author and Journalist. His latest volume: The Second Palestinian Intifada: A Chronicle of a People's Struggle (Pluto Press, London) is available from Amazon and other book vendors.