jeudi 12 juillet 2007

IRAQ: Aid agency appeals for help for 1,000 IDPs in desert camp



BAGHDAD, 11 July 2007 (IRIN) - Urgent relocation is needed for 185 displaced families stranded in the harsh conditions of a desert camp in southern Iraq, the Iraqi Red Crescent Society (IRCS) says.
"Three infants aged 1-3 have died due to soaring temperatures in the al-Manathira internally displaced persons (IDP) camp, about 20km south of Najaf, where 185 displaced families, or about 1,100 individuals, are living in about 200 tents," said Dhia Zuwaini, head of the IRCS’s Najaf branch. Zuwaini said these families were part of an estimated 5,500 displaced families in the Najaf area, about 200km south of Baghdad.
He said the IRCS, the only humanitarian relief agency on the ground nationwide, had distributed drinking water, food, mobile toilets and other items. "But this is not enough as they face death because the tents do not protect them from high temperatures of over 50 degrees centigrade in July and August." Some family members were developing waterborne diseases, asthma, skin irritations, malnutrition and typhoid, he said."We call on the government and international humanitarian bodies to help as much as they can to relocate these families to a safe area where we can protect them from these conditions," Zuwaini said.
Five months ago, Khalil Abdul-Zahra, a 40-year-old construction worker, fled sectarian violence in Yousifiyah, a Sunni-dominated area about 20km south of Baghdad. Now he is fighting snakes, sand storms and high temperatures in the al-Manathira desert. "This place is not suitable even for animals," Abdul-Zahra, a Shia father of five boys, told IRIN in a phone interview. "We have not washed for the past 15 days, snakes are everywhere and sand storms are an almost daily occurrence," he added. “I can’t afford to move to another place and rent a property because as a construction worker I only get irregular work. My boys are malnourished and my wife has a skin irritation." "The distributed drinking water can't last for three days and no one or gas with which to boil water."
According to the IRCS, 142,260 families - about 1,037,615 individuals - have become IDPs since 22 February 2006, when a revered Shia shrine in Samarra, 60 miles north of Baghdad, was bombed by what many believe was a Sunni extremist group. Sectarian violence has increased sharply since then.
sm/ar/cb

Report: US cuts power to Baghdad District

Photo by Ahmad al-Rubaye/AFP

A man pleads for alms at the entrance to the Imam Musa al-Kadhim mosque in Baghdad's Kadhimiya district



With temperatures reaching over 50°C the occupation forces leave Iraqis without electricity. This is inhuman, this is torture!! The babies, the sick and elderly people will not resist in this heat, they will die.
To the European politicians and human rights activists:
Please DO something, speak up to denounce US crimes in Iraq, your silence is deafening!!!
All of Kadhimiya Without Electricity to Pressure Mahdi Army
(excerpt)

In an apparent bid to apply pressure on Mahdi Army fighters, US forces have completely cut off electricity to the Baghdad district of Kadhimiya, al-Melaf reports in Arabic on Wednesday.
The measures are an attempt to pressure the residents of the district to expel members of the Mahdi Army in Kadhimiya and to turn them over to US forces, al-Melaf writes.

اعتصام و مسيرة غضب أمام السفارة السعودية في لاهاي










اعتصام و مسيرة غضب أمام السفارة السعودية في لاهاي
هولندا الأربعاء 11-07-2007

عبرت الجماهير العراقية المقيمة في هولندا اليوم 11-7-2007 في اعتصام و مسيرة حاشدة أمام السفارة السعودية في لاهاي عن غضبها و لعنتها على الإرهاب والإرهابيين و المروجين له من علماء التكفير و دعاة القتل و التخريب من رجالات الوهابية السعوديين، و استنكارها لعدم اتخاذ الحكومة السعودية لأية إجراءات لوقف الإرهاب الوهابي النابع من السعودية.

فقد احتشد المئات من الغيورين الذين يعيشون معاناة الأهل و الوطن في العراق بكل جوارحهم و أحاسيسهم في الساحة المجاورة للسفارة السعودية في لاهاي رافعين لافتات تدين الإرهاب و علماء التكفير و تحمل الحكومة السعودية مسئولية السكوت على دعاة العلم من رجالات الوهابية الذين ماانفكوا يصدرون فتاوى التكفير التي تدعو إلى قتل النفس البريئة و تخريب المراقد المقدسة، خاصة في عراقنا الجريح، و غض طرفها عن المغرر بهم من الشباب السعوديين الذين ترسلهم مدارس الوهابية إلى العراق لذبح أهله و تخريب دياره.

و تميز الاعتصام بالحماس الشديد الذي أظهره المشاركون من خلال الاستمرار بترديد الشعارات و الوقوف لمدة ثلاث ساعات أمام السفارة السعودية، وشارك في الاعتصام عدد كبير من العوائل بكامل أفرادها رغم رداءة الطقس و وقوع الاعتصام في منتصف الأسبوع و وقت الدوام الرسمي. و كان للمرأة العراقية دورا متميزا في التظاهرة مشاركة منها لأخواتها الأرامل و اليتامى و المعاقات من ضحايا الإرهاب التكفيري الوهابي في العراق. و تلون الحضور بألوان الفسيفساء العراقي حيث امتزجت أصوات العربي مع الكردي و الأيزيدي و الصابئي المندائي كلها تدعو السعوديين الى التحرك لوقف الإرهاب الممول ماليا و فكريا من الوهابية السعودية.
تضمنت الفعالية اعتصاما بالقرب من السفارة و مسيرة من أمام السفارة و قف خلالها المتظاهرون أمام باب السفارة لفترة يرددون الشعارات بحماس و حرقة تعكس شدة الغضب الكامن في صدورهم. ثم طافت المسيرة بين السفارات المختلفة المتواجدة في المنطقة ليعود المعتصمون الى موقع الاعتصام. و اختلطت الهتافات بدموع النساء و الرجال ألما على ضحايا العراق من جراء جرائم الوهابية السعودية. و استنكر المتظاهرون من خلال شعاراتهم اللامبالاة السعودية و عدم اتخاذ أي إجراء لوقف التحريض الوهابي لقتل العراقيين، و بالخصوص الشيعة منهم، و استمرار تزويد الإرهابيين بالأموال و الرجال السعوديين. و ألقيت في الاعتصام قصيدة بالمناسبة و عدد من الكلمات للإخوة المشاركين.

و قد أرسل المعتصمون رسالة إلى الملك عبد الله بن عبد العزيز تضمنت شرحا مفصلا لما يعانيه العراقيون من خيبة أمل لمواقف الدول العربية عموما و المملكة العربية السعودية خصوصا رافعين فيها عدد من المطالب أهمها:
1.ـ منع إصدار فتاوى القتل والتدمير والتكفير التي يصر رجال دين سعوديون على إصدارها.
2- تجفيف منابع الدعم المالي للإرهاب.
3 ـ التعاطي مع كل من يساهم في تأجيج الوضع في العراق، من السعوديين، من رجال دين وغيرهم، بنفس الطريقة التي يتم التعاطي بها معه فيما لو قام بنفس الفعل تجاه السعودية ذاتها.
4 ـ منع تدفق المغرر بهم من السعوديين إلى العراق للحيلولة دون تحولهم إلى قنابل بشرية تحرق العراقيين دون تمييز، والتعاطي مع كل سعودي يشترك في أي عمل إرهابي في العراق أو تثبت علاقته بالإرهابيين في العراق، بنفس الطريقة التي يتم التعاطي بها معه فيما لو ارتكب نفس الجريمة في السعودية.
5 ـ الوقوف على مسافة واحدة من جميع مكونات الشعب العراقي الأبي، وعدم إيواء المتآمرين على العملية السياسية في العراق، والرافضين للتداول السلمي للسلطة وفق الأسس الديمقراطية المعهودة، وإيقاف كل أشكال التعاطي معهم.
6 ـ دعم العملية السياسية في العراق وحكومته المنتخبة والمساهمة في إرساء قواعد الاستقرار فيه.
7 ـ إيقاف الحملات الإعلامية الداعمة للإرهاب والإرهابيين وتلك المضادة للعملية السياسية في العراق، كالخطب المثيرة للكراهية والفتن التي يلقيها مشايخ الوهابية وغيرهم من منابر المساجد وغيرها، وكالكتب والصحف و المواقع الالكترونية والمحطات الإذاعية والفضائيات التي تنشط في نشر الفكر التكفيري،سواء كانت سعودية أم في فلكها وبتمويلها.
و قد تسلم الرسالة أحد موظفي السفارة السعودية، بعد أن رفض طلب وفد المتظاهرين بالدخول و لقاء السفير السعودي، مما أثار امتعاض المعتصمين الذين قرأ عليهم نص الرسالة التي ترجمت إلى الانكليزية و الهولندية ووزعت على الإعلام و السفارات المختلفة.

و كان من بين الشعارات التي رددها المتظاهرون بالهولندية و الانكليزية والعربية مايلي:
الوهابية السعودية .... تقتل أهلنا في العراق
تسقط الوهابية و يسقط الإرهاب

و من بين ما كتب على اللافتات ما يلي:
الحكومة السعودية مطالبة بمحاكمة مصدري فتاوى القتل و التكفير و منع تمويل مواطنيها للإرهابيين قتلة الشعب العراقي,
أيها الحكام السعوديون، إن لم تمنعوا فتاوى علمائكم التي تدعو الى قتل أهلنا في العراق و تمنعوا مواطنيكم من تمويل الإرهاب الذي يقتل شعبنا في العراق، فأنتم شركاء في جرائمهم.
الحكومة السعودية مطالبة بمنع إصدار فتاوى القتل و التكفير من قبل علمائه و وقف التحريض على الفتنة الطائفية في العراق في مؤسساتها الإعلامية.

و شارك في الاعتصام و التظاهرة كل من ممثليات المرجعيات الدينية و في مقدمتها مرجعية الإمام السيستاني، أدام الله ظله الوارف، وعدد من رجال الدين و المؤسسات الاجتماعية العراقية مثل مؤسسة الكوثر و مجلس الجمعيات العراقية و اتحاد المنظمات العراقية و عدد من ممثليات القوى السياسية العراقية في هولندا كالمجلس الأعلى الإسلامي العراقي و حزب الدعوة الإسلامية و الحزب الديمقراطي الكردستاني و الاتحاد الإسلامي الكردستاني و البيت الإيزيدي و الصابئة العراقيين و عدد من وجوه الجالية العراقية إضافة إلى الجماهير الطيبة من أبناء الرافدين.

هذا و كان الاعتصام قد دعت إليه و نظمته لجنة مناهضة الإرهاب التي شكلت من قبل عدد من مؤسسات المجتمع المدني (مؤسسة الكوثر في لاهاي و مجلس الجمعيات العراقية و اتحاد المنظمات العراقية في هولندا) و عدد من ممثليات القوى السياسية العراقية في هولندا (المجلس الأعلى الإسلامي العراقي و حزب الدعوة الإسلامية) إضافة إلى عدد من العاملين في الساحة. تهدف اللجنة إلى العمل من أجل مناهضة كل أشكال الإرهاب و التطرف، والترويج لثقافة التسامح والاختلاف و السلام واحترام حقوق الإنسان


لجنة مناهضة الإرهاب
هولندا 11-07-2007

mercredi 11 juillet 2007

Iraqui Turkmen Front (ITF) Press Release


Türkmeneli region and the whole Iraqi people were targeted by terror once again by people who have lost their feelings of nationality by hitting the Türkmeneli town of Amirliyi; until now 153 people have been martyred while the number of injured has reached 250; over 30 bodies are still under the rubble.


Türkmeneli region and the whole Iraqi people were targeted by terror once again by people who have lost their feelings of nationality by hitting the quaint Türkmeneli town of Amirliyi; until now 153 people have been martyred while the number of injured has reached 250; over 30 bodies are still under the rubble.

In addition, 100 homes and workplaces have been demolished and over 50 vehicles have been damaged. While it is our right to demand the Iraqi authorities for all sorts of vehicles and equipment we wish to extend our thanks to the Republic of Turkey for transporting without discrimination 21 seriously injured terror victims on Turkish aircraft to Turkey for treatment .

Once again the Iraq Turkmen Front undertook its pioneering role to rush to the aid of Iraqi people wherever necessary and proved it by donating hundreds of bags of blood and sending aid material to the incident scene. When the Iraq Turkmen Front leader received the unfortunate news on his arrival from the US to Iraq he immediately contact the Turkish foreign affairs minister to request help.

The request was accepted and followed by the sending of the abovementioned aircraft. We extend our thanks to the National guard and police chief and all cadres who helped us transport the injured to the airport. We also wish to thank the Kerkuk and Tuzhurmatu Ambulance foremen, hospital director and all health personnel.

We call on the world nations and United Nations that in order to prevent similar incidents from being repeated in Telafer , Dakuk , Karatepe , Yengice and other Türkmeneli regions to propose to the Iraqi government and occupation forces to have military police units consisting of Turkmen integrated into the Iraqi security organizations to maintain security in Turkmeneli regions.

Dr ALI KOCAK's interview on radio WBAI



WBAI/Pacifica Governance (*):

We have an update on Iraqi Turkmen from Ali Kochek of the New York Turkmen Institute:

listen to Dr Ali Kocak’s interview:
Dr. Ali Kocak on radio WBAI FM 99.5..click for the link





(*) WBAI/Pacifica Governance
The Pacifica Foundation was launched by pacifist Lew Hill in 1949 with the first ever listener funded radio station - KPFA, Berkeley. The Pacifica Mission called for radio that would foster understanding amongst nations and individuals, encourage creativity, and promote innovative, uncensored distribution of news.

IRAQI UNION LEADERS CALL FOR AN END TO THE OCCUPATION

TAP talks to Faleh Abood Umara, general secretary of the Iraqi Federation of Oil Unions, and Hashmeya Muhsin Hussein, president of the Electrical Workers Union of Iraq.

David Bacon July 6, 2007

David Bacon: Recently the oil workers union went on strike for two days. What was the strike about?

Faleh Abood Umara: We have many problems in the oil industry. Some time ago we met with the Prime Minister of Iraq, discussed them, and reached an agreement. We asked the minister of oil to implement that agreement, and he refused. He was supposed to organize a special congress with oil workers in the south, to provide land for building workers' homes, to raise our pay, to implement profit sharing, and to suspend the implementation of the new oil law. Our discussions with the oil minister didn't change the situation, so we announced we would go on strike.

Bacon: What objection does the union have to the proposed oil law?

Umara: The new law will give the control of all oil royalties and production to foreign oil companies. It will allow them to do whatever they want in our oil fields, and we won't have the ability to intervene, or even to observe. The oil law doesn't envision the existence of our oil union, nor will in include us as a member of the so-called Oil Congress. The most dangerous part of the law is the production-sharing agreement. We reject this kind of agreement absolutely. The law will rob Iraq of its main resource -- its oil. It will undermine the sovereignty of Iraq and our people.

Bacon: What would be the impact of the oil law on the ability of Iraq to rebuild after the war and occupation?

Umara: If the law is ratified, there will be no reconstruction. The U.S. will keep its hegemony over Iraq.

Bacon: Hashmeya, when I saw you in Basra in 2005, your union was fighting the management of the electric power stations over working conditions and subcontracting of the work of your members. What is their situation today?

Hashmeya Muhsin Hussein: Iraqi power stations and other facilities suffered a lot of damage during the war, going back to the time of Saddam Hussein. He didn't give contracts to foreign corporations, and depended on the indigenous resources in the country. After the collapse of the Saddam Hussein regime, we saw something new. Even the simplest job was given to a contractor.
As a result, the buildings of the electrical authority were filled with unemployed workers. We protested against this, and for a time, our industry's management would not accept the workers' demands. We demonstrated in front of the Basra mayor's office and submitted our demands to the governor. Of our seven demands, the two most important were first, stopping unnecessary contracting, and second, stopping the corruption throughout the management. Finally, we agreed with the managers that contracts would only be given out for jobs that were beyond the ability of Iraqi workers.

Bacon: What do the members of your union earn?

Muhsin: At the beginning of the occupation, the administration of L. Paul Bremer decreed wage grades for workers that were very oppressive. His system had 11 grades. The eleventh grade starts at $50 a month, and the first grade maxes out at $1,300 a month. You can see the disparity. No one can survive on $50 a month, while a tiny group receives much more. The maximum that a laborer in our industry can earn is grade 5 -- about $250, or hardly enough to survive. We have demanded that the ministry change this law, but even if they do, compensation will still be very low.

Bacon: Faleh, the oil union challenged the Bremer pay grades in 2004. What do oil workers make now?

Umara: The grades imposed by Bremer applied to workers all over Iraq. We objected to them at that time, and threatened to strike. After we met with the first Oil Minister, we were able to adjust the schedule. Compensation in oil is now completely different from that in other fields. We have eliminated the eleventh and tenth grades, for instance. There's a small improvement, but the prices in the market are going up all the time.

Bacon: I've visited the homes of oil workers, and many people still sleep in the same room, and while families have enough to eat, they live in very basic conditions.

Umara: Conditions are very tough. An oil worker in the fourth grade gets about 600,000 dinars, or about $400 a month. A small refrigerator for your house costs $200. That's half your salary. Could you survive on $200 for a month? The working conditions are also very difficult. But to be fair, it's better than it was during the time of Saddam Hussein. In the oil and electricity industries we asked for a special bonus of 30 percent, and managed to get it because of the strength of our two unions. God willing, we are going to continue improving the wages.

Bacon: Hashmeya, how was your union organized and how were you chosen to head it?

Muhsin: After the collapse of the Saddam Hussein regime, in September 2003, we organized labor committees in many workplaces. I was elected head of the committee where I work. Then, at the first conference for all workers in our industry, in May, 2004, I was elected head of the union. All our union's officers are volunteers. We have a democratic process with internal bylaws, and all the different kinds of work in the industry have to be represented. We have a convention every two years, and at our second convention in June, 2006, I was reelected unanimously. But because of the government decree which seized all union funds in Iraq, we have no money or any way to collect dues. The activists in all our unions, even in the electricity and oil industries, contribute as much as we can from our own wages, and that's what we use for all our union's activities.

Bacon: What is the attitude of the men in the union towards you as a woman?

Muhsin: At the beginning there was some difficulty, but now it's much easier. The workers elected me. They come to me with their problems, and we do our best to solve them. We have five sub-unions in our industry, and many women have union membership cards. We put their pictures on our posters to show them off.

Bacon: When I was in Baghdad in October, 2003, Bremer and the Coalition Provisional Authority published lists of state-owned enterprises that they intended to sell to private owners. Were there electrical enterprises on those lists? Are there plans to privatize electric power generation?

Muhsin: The power situation in Iraq is deteriorating very fast. We cannot get spare parts to replace ones that break or wear out. The terrorists sabotage the transmission lines and generating stations. Management corruption is very widespread. There has been no improvement in this situation at all, and people suffer from constant blackouts. In the labor movement, we think this situation has been deliberately created so that people will conclude that something must be done, and that the only alternative is the privatization of electric power generation.
On May 23 of this year we protested this situation. We asked the Electricity Ministry to improve the transmission system. We threatened to strike the transmission lines and substations, and cut power to the oil pumping stations. This would just have been a first step. When the electricity minister understood what we were planning, he agreed to discussions and we postponed the strike. But three days ago my union told me that they were again starting plans for a strike because those discussions were going nowhere. The government announced a crash program to improve the transmission lines and the entire system, but the money for it disappeared. Our objective is to force immediate improvements in the system, and we've given the minister plans and alternatives showing how this can be done. We are the experts in our own industry.

Bacon: Last month, the president of the oil union wrote to the U.S. Congress saying it wanted the occupation to end, and the troops to leave, but that it didn't want the oil law imposed as a condition for this. How does the oil union propose that the occupation should end?

Umara: All the problems in Iraq come from the occupation. Our oil union and all the other unions in Iraq believe we can't rebuild our country so long as the occupation is going on. The occupation fosters the enormous corruption. We ask people in the U.S. to tell their government to leave as soon as possible. The troops should be evacuated, without making the implementation of the oil law a condition.
The U.S. administration wants to control our oil resources of our country, so our letter to the U.S. Congress asked your leaders to stop making proposals that violate the will of the vast majority of our people. We have plenty of oil experts in Iraq, who are perfectly capable of managing the oil industry. The Southern Oil Company, where our union is based, is the only enterprise in Iraq currently producing oil. We're exporting 2,250,000 barrels a day, all managed by Iraqi experts, and produced by Iraqi hands.

Bacon: Many people say that if the troops leave, there is no civil society capable of governing the country. Do you agree with this?

Umara: There are many cities in Iraq controlled by the Iraqi administration. These cities are quite secure, while the cities controlled by the occupation troops see continuous killing and carnage. As long as we have an occupation, we'll have more sabotage and killing.
But when people from the local tribes control the security, they have expelled the al-Qaeda forces and those others who are terrorizing people. This means we can protect ourselves and bring security to our nation, with no need of the U.S. forces. To those who believe that if the U.S. troops leave there will be chaos, I say, let them go, and if we fight each other afterwards, let us do that. We are being killed by the thousands already. If the occupation continues, there will only be more blood shed by the U.S. forces and the Iraqi people.

Bacon: Hashmeya, your union belongs to another union federation. What does your federation think should happen with the occupation?

Muhsin: The electrical workers union belongs to the General Union of Iraqi Workers, and we want the occupation to end as soon as possible. All Iraqi unions want this.
After the collapse of the regime all the borders were open. Many people, intruders, came to Iraq. Many were al-Qaeda and others, who brought weapons and explosives. There was no inspection at the border at all. As an occupied nation under UN Resolution 1483, the United States was obligated to protect and guarantee our security. But the very first thing [they] did was throw the borders open. Given this experience, we're not expecting to have much security in Iraq so long as the United States is there.
Some towns are secure, but wherever you see the U.S. forces, you see a lot of terror and sabotage. We want the United States to leave. Of course, it takes time and it's not an easy operation. The logistics are tough. But our first and last demand is that the occupation end as soon as possible.

Bacon: The Bush administration says it envisions the presence of an occupation force for many years, comparing the situation to the presence of U.S. troops in South Korea. What do you think of that possibility?

Muhsin: If it was up to Bush, he'd occupy the world. But that's not what the nations of the world want. Would they accept occupation, as we have had to do? Our nation does not want to be occupied, and we'll do our best to end it.

http://www.prospect.org/cs/articles?article=iraqi_union_leaders_call_for_an_end_to_the_occupation

One-sided Kerkuk Conference in the Brussels Parliament

S O İ T M
Iraqi Turkmen Human rights Research Foundation

Date: July 10, 2007
No: Rep.38-G1007

A conference on the Article 140 of the Iraqi constitution related to the predicament of most inhabited Turkmen city of Kerkuk was hold in the Brussels regional parliament on 2 July sponsored by the Social Progressive Alternative group and chaired by Jan BEGHIN, the first deputy of the Brussels parliament.

It seems that the organizers from the Brussels government lack correct information about what is occurring in the north of Iraq and what the historical importance and geopolitical characteristics of the Kerkuk region is.

In addition to a large number of Kurdish speakers, several Belgian and Dutch speakers were invited. The two major components of the Kerkuk population were excluded and were not invited to the conference: The Turkmen, who are, without doubt the original native inhabitant and occupant of Kerkuk, and the Arabs who constitute an important part of the Kerkuk population and history.

Turkmen were represented by a pro-Kurdish Turkmen from Erbil who supported all the Kurdish policies. The well known Turkmen political and civil society organizations were excluded. The Chealdo-Assyrians did not attend the conference. There were no Arab speakers. A Yazidie speaker brought by the Kurds supported the Kurdish political views.

Apart from 2 or 3 non-Kurdish speakers, all speeches were in the favor of the Kurds. counterfeit parody were given about opinions of the other Iraqi communities: it is shown that as if all the other communities are supporting the Kurdish policies and recognition of Kerkuk Referendum, in contrary, almost all the Iraqi communities other than the Kurds are most robustly against annexation of Kerkuk region to the so-called Kurdistan.

In general the conference was not about the Article 140. But it was prearranged much more unilateral information on the Kurdish region. It was no more than just a Kurdish opinions presented on the history, geography and demography of the Kerkuk region. The Arabisation of Kerkuk region was discussed in details, the Kurdification, which is much intensive and longer duration, was not touched: nothing said on
- The half million Kurds which were brought by USA supported Kurdish parties and settled in Kerkuk region.
- The Complete Kurdification more or less all of the civil, police, security and military administration in Kerkuk region
- The huge manipulations which took place during the mockery General Iraqi elections and referendum which were organized by the fore-mentioned Kurdified administration.
- The 36,011 case presented to the Property Claim Commission of which more than 80% by Turkmen, 13% were only addressed.
- How the 367,000 Arabs will be exiled from Kerkuk?
- How and why the Kurds robbed rand sack and burned the land and population registry offices in Kerkuk?

Psychologically harmful video films on Ba’ath regime were shown, nothing was talked about what the occupation and Kurdish administration in north of Iraq is undertaking, which is not much less than what Saddam regime has done, if not worse !

As it is obviously seen in the behaviors and speeches of Massoud Barzani, the egotistical mentality of the Kurdish politicians, which created by the unlimited western support, was clearly pragmatic in the speeches of Kurdish politicians in this conference:
- The pseudo-minister of the Kurdish region, Mohammed Ihsan, described those who don’t believe that Kerkuk is Kurdistan city as psychologically ailing peoples and he advised them to consulate psychiatrist. It is significance noting that Mohammed Ihsan is well known for his animosity toward the Turkmen and his request to deport the Iraqi Turkmen to Turkey.
- Kemal Kerkuki asserted that the Kerkuk referendum will be performed either peacefully or forcedly. He scoffed at the reports of International Crisis Group and the Beker – Hamilton report.
- Feleknas Uca, a European parliament member of Kurdish ancestry from Turkey, has presented a fanatical provocative speech. She talked about the great Kurdistan. She repeatedly asserted that Kerkuk is heart of the so-called Kurdistan.

Furthermore, Uca described the Turkmen Conference organized by UNPO, SOITM and ALDE in the European parliament in March as propaganda machine for Turkmen and stated that no Kurdish speakers were invited. In contrary, At Turkmen conference about the Kerkuk Crisis, held at the European Parliament from 26-27 March, two well known Kurdish politicians were invited as speakers: Burhan Jaf, the KRG Representative in the EU and Saadi Barzanji, a Kurdish origin Iraqi parliamentarian.

The Kurdish politicians attempt to misinform the international community by widely and continuously repeating false information. They entail to the western community that:
- Only small portion of the Iraqi Turkmen refuse the realization of the referendum. In fact, excluding those who were paid by the Kurds, all the Turkmen community and all political, civil society organizations are uncompromisingly against the realization of the referendum.
- There are no Turkmen organizations other than Iraqi Turkmen Front. This has been done in all Kurdish publication on the Turkmen conference in the European Parliament. No doubt that the Iraqi Turkmen Front is the largest Turkmen organization, there are a large number of Turkmen political and civil society organization out of the umbrella of Iraqi Turkmen Front.

In Kemal Kerkuk replay to a question about the looting of the Kerkuk population and census registrations, he indirectly admitted that the Kurds had robbed Kerkuk’s population and census registrations. Where, all the original registrations kept in Erbil city.

Unfortunately, there are a considerable number of western politicians and even academics who has a very superficial knowledge about the history, geography and demography of the north of Iraq. This makes them to perpetrate serious mistakes as Dr. Michiel Leezenberg. Robert Soeterik, who was greatly generous toward the Kurds in Amsterdam conference when he claimed that the Kerkuk province is historical Kurdish province and strongly supported the realization of referendum, was much cautious in his speech in this conference. He showed a sketch of the Iraqi map which shows that Saddam regime has detached half of Kerkuk province in 1976 to decrease the Kurdish concentration, but he forget to say that 2 of the three districts which were detached from Kerkuk province in 1976 were historically Turkmen districts Kifri and Tuz Khurmatu.

D. McDowall in his book “A Modern History of the Kurds”, Page 3 says:
“Kerkuk City had a large Turkmen population as recently as 1958”. “Few Kurds would claim quite as much today, but would still claim the city of Kerkuk, even though it had a larger Turkmen population as recently as 1958.”

In page 305:
“In mid July 1959, ---; this time in Kerkuk, ---- Tension had been growing for some time between Turkmen, the originally predominant element, and Kurds who had settled during the 1930s and 1940s, driven from the land by landlord rapacity and drawn by the chance for employment in the burgeoning oil industry. By 1959 half the populations of 150,000 were Turkmen, rather less than half were Kurds and the balance Arabs, Assyrians and Armenians.”

Hanna Batatu in his book titled “The old social classes and the Revolutionary Movements of Iraq”, in Page 913, mentions:
“Kerkuk, an oil center, ---, had been Turkish through and through in the not too distant past. By degrees, Kurds moved into the city from the surrounding villages. With the growth of the oil industry, their migration intensified. By 1959, they had swollen to more than one third of the population, and the Turkmen had declined to just over half, the Assyrians and Arabs accounting, in the main, for the rest of the total of 120,000.”

It is the fundamentals of the justice to hear all the components of a legal trail. The subject is the fate of wealthy Kerkuk province, which has influence on the future of the Iraqi state. The complainers are all the Iraqi communities other than the Kurds. Absence of Turkmen, Arab, Assyrian and Shabak speakers in an evaluation of Kerkuk problem will facilitate misleading and has unconstructive impacts on the overall objective of resolving the conflict.

mardi 10 juillet 2007

GRIEF AND ANGER IN THE TURKMEN TOWN OF AMIRLI








In Iraqi Hamlet, 'A Funeral Service In Every House'Market Blast's Toll Rises; For Some, All Kin Perished



By Sudarsan RaghavanWashington Post Foreign ServiceMonday, July 9, 2007; A01

BAGHDAD, July 8 -- Khider Walli Ahmad has nobody left. Not his wife or his 4-year-old son, not his father or mother or sister. They were killed Saturday when a suicide bomber detonated a truck packed with explosives in a crowded market.



In the rubble of their mud-brick house and small shop, Ahmad found fragments of their bodies. His 69-year-old father, who sold cigarettes and dairy products, was closest to the blast.
"What was left of my father were bits and pieces, which I and some of the neighbors collected into a bag while we wept," Ahmad, 39, said Sunday, the trauma plastered across his face. Last year, he said, Sunni militants killed his brother Ali and his nephew during a pilgrimage to the Shiite holy city of Karbala.



"And today I lost all my family," he said.
In the Shiite Turkmen hamlet of Amerli, 50 miles south of the oil-rich city of Kirkuk, grief and anger mixed with bewilderment in the aftermath of one of the single deadliest attacks on Iraqis since the U.S.-led invasion in 2003. Almost everyone seemed to have lost relatives or friends, if not entire families.
The death toll rose to more than 140, but 20 people remain missing, police officials said Sunday. More than 270 people were injured, they added. In the previous deadliest attack, a truck bomb in March killed 152 people in the northern town of Tall Afar.
In Amerli, many residents struggled to understand why their remote, peaceful outpost was targeted. And instinctively, they blamed Sunnis linked to the insurgent group al-Qaeda in Iraq for the carnage.
"Why can't the army and police protect us against those thugs?" demanded Ahmad, tall, thin and disheveled. He wore a traditional white robe, speckled with dried blood. In a hoarse voice, he said he was awake throughout the night, shouting and crying for his family.
"I am going to leave because I have come to hate Iraq and the religion that allows such killings," he said. "May God damn them all."
A Washington Post special correspondent on Sunday visited Amerli, nestled in a barren, desolate patch between the town of Tuz Khormato and volatile Diyala province, where U.S. forces are mounting an intense campaign to weed out al-Qaeda in Iraq and other Sunni Arab extremists. On Sunday, scores of black banners mourning the dead hung on walls and houses. At security checkpoints, policemen wore black bands on their left arms and grief on their faces.
"I came in to work on my own today although I was off duty," said Emad Abdul Hussein, a policeman, as he manned a checkpoint at the entrance to the market. "But I felt it is my duty to help in securing this devastated area."

"I lost an uncle and his son, but we are not going to give up," he added.


Maj. Khalaf Abdullah, Amerli's deputy police chief, said the blast destroyed more than 50 houses, most collapsing over their inhabitants, and demolished 45 shops. It also badly damaged 20 houses and 35 vehicles.


"There is a funeral service in every house in the town," Abdullah said.
In the market, the truck bomb left a crater 12 feet deep. Shops and houses not reduced to rubble were badly charred.


The bomb exploded during the morning rush hour, when people come to the market to buy food or to take a minibus taxi to nearby Tuz Khormato or Kirkuk, officials said Sunday.


Mohammad Rasheed Barzanjy, the mayor of Tuz Khormato, said that last week, al-Qaeda insurgents threatened to attack the area because residents supported military operations around Baqubah, the capital of Diyala province.


"It is safe, secure and peaceful, and they are trying to paralyze and confuse the government with such attacks to show the world they can reach any place to prove the failure of the police," Barzanjy said of the insurgents. "But in fact they are showing the world how savage and cruel they are by targeting innocent civilians."


He then uttered the names of victims he knew: Qanbar Abdullah al-Bayati, who died along with his wife and five sons, two of whom were children, and Muhsin Shaheed Akbar, who lost four sons who were working in their workshop in the market.


"This is wholesale death that has devastated a small, quiet peaceful town, breaking the residents' self-esteem and dignity," said Taherr al-Bayati, a judge in Kirkuk who was born in Amerli.


On Sunday, local Turkmen organizations mobilized to help deliver medicine and food parcels to victims, as district officials pledged to restore electricity and water, which was disrupted by the powerful blast. One Turkmen group promised to take 150 of the wounded to neighboring Turkey for treatment.


Still, the anger and frustration were palpable. Angry crowds threw rocks at a delegation led by Hamad Hamoud Shagtti, governor of Salahuddin province, blaming officials for failing to protect the village. The delegation was forced to cut short its visit, said Barzanjy, the mayor. Many residents demanded compensation.


Zainulabideen Rustum Abdullah, 58, lost his wife, three daughters, his grandson and his daughter-in-law. He suffered burns, and shrapnel struck his head.
"We were wiped out mercilessly, and we blame the Americans, the Iraqi government, the criminals and all the politicians who brought us catastrophe and destruction," he said. "They have destroyed everything with their sectarianism and politics."


Abdul Razak Taqi al-Bayati lost a son, Qanbar, a taxi driver who was parked in the market. In the rubble, Bayati first unearthed his son's necklace, with its small pendant the shape of Iraq. Then, he found Qanbar.
"I recognized my son's hand, which was severed from the body, by the tattoo inscribed on it," recalled Bayati, 55, who had a wrinkled face and wore a dark blue traditional tunic. "When I went home, I found my home totally collapsed."
On Sunday, he was on his way to Kirkuk hospital to see his 4-year-old grandson, Sajjad. Shrapnel was embedded in his abdomen and his legs were badly burned. A few hours later, the two boarded a plane to Turkey for medical care.
Qanbar was Sajjad's father.


A special correspondent in Kirkuk and K.I. Ibrahim in Baghdad contributed to this report.


http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/07/08/AR2007070800276_pf.html