Iraqi oil revenues for Iraqi refugees
Sign the petition now!
801 signatories so far
Please click on:
http://www.3iii.org/
mardi 11 décembre 2007
Interview in Madrid with Abu Muhammad, spokesman of the patriotic and nationalist Iraqi Resistance
“The Iraqi Resistance is the legitimate and sole representative of Iraq”
IraqSolidaridad: 10-12-07
“The Iraqi Resistance has no relation with Al-Qaeda, which has its own vision, strategy, purposes and resources. One part of the assassinations that are now taking place in Iraq are executed by Al-Qaeda and another part by the militias and death squads linked to the political parties [invested in the US-imposed political process and] related to the occupation, but which also count on the assistance of Iran through its intervention in Iraq. […] The objective of the Iraqi Resistance is to achieve a total liberation. When the occupiers leave Iraq we will establish a national democratic, multiparty system, based on free elections; a regime in which all Iraqis that believe in collective rights will participate.”
To read interview please see:
http://www.iraqsolidaridad.org/
IraqSolidaridad: 10-12-07
“The Iraqi Resistance has no relation with Al-Qaeda, which has its own vision, strategy, purposes and resources. One part of the assassinations that are now taking place in Iraq are executed by Al-Qaeda and another part by the militias and death squads linked to the political parties [invested in the US-imposed political process and] related to the occupation, but which also count on the assistance of Iran through its intervention in Iraq. […] The objective of the Iraqi Resistance is to achieve a total liberation. When the occupiers leave Iraq we will establish a national democratic, multiparty system, based on free elections; a regime in which all Iraqis that believe in collective rights will participate.”
To read interview please see:
http://www.iraqsolidaridad.org/
Report Issued on Assyrians Since the Fall of Saddam
12-11-2007 Assyrian International News Agency
Since the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime in the spring of 2003 the situation of the Iraqi people in general and the Assyrian community in particular in Iraq has caused particular concern on an international scale. It is generally accepted that although the situation of the Iraqi people had been regrettably dire following the fall of Saddam's regime, the bombing of the al-Askari Mosque in Samarra in February 2003 marked a turning point in that 'this incident led to targeted killings of thousands of Iraqis from both communities (i.e. Sunni and Shi'a) as well as other groups on the basis of their religious identity resulting in massive displacement of populations.'1
This displacement crisis, according to Amnesty International, is now the fastest growing displacement crisis in the world with the number of displaced people now standing at 4.2 million.
The Assyrians, the indigenous inhabitants of Iraq and a predominantly Christian ethnic minority, have not been immune to such sectarian violence and have been particularly targeted in recent years as a result of their distinct ethnic and religious identity. The church bombings in 2004 are a case in point, but simply reflect just the tip of the iceberg.
Unfortunately, there still remains a large lacuna in the general public's awareness and knowledge of the plight of Iraq's Assyrian community and this is reflected by the paucity of media coverage on this issue in the western world together with a lack of initiative to resolve this issue within national and international political institutions. Although the recent resolutions emanating from the European Parliament and the Parliament of the United Kingdom, for which see chapter 2, are welcomed, it is clear that more must be done.
With this in mind, it has been felt necessary to compile a dossier containing various documents and information outlining the plight of Assyrians in Iraq with the hope that such a dossier can act as a reference tool for people to refer to when wanting to find out accurate information about this situation from reputable and reliable sources.
Before setting out to describe the general scheme of the dossier, it is helpful to resolve an important issue which if left unresolved can sometimes lead to confusion. As a result of a rich and ancient heritage, the Assyrians have come to be identified under many names throughout the ages and this is reflected in the human rights reports and political resolutions listed in this dossier by virtue of the fact that some documents use various names such as Chaldeans, ChaldoAssyrians, or Syriacs when referring to Assyrians.
It should be emphasised from the outset that all these names refer to essentially the same indivisible people and are simply the accumulation of a heritage spanning thousands of years. As such, these different names should not be allowed to act as an impediment to the understanding and resolution of the situation of the Assyrians.
Furthermore, it will be noticed also that many of the reports refer to Assyrians in Iraq simply as 'Iraqi Christian'. This is unfortunate as the term Iraqi Christian does not take into account the ethnic identity of the Assyrians and only emphasises their religious affiliation, despite the fact that 95% of Christians in Iraq are actually of Assyrian ethnicity.
In addition, some people also refer to Assyrians as Arab or Kurdish Christians, terms which are erroneous given the fact that Assyrians possess a different language, ethnicity, culture and heritage to that of the neighbouring Arab or Kurdish populations.
The first section of the dossier contains a general list of human rights reports from various reputable institutions and individuals worldwide such as Amnesty International, the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI), the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), etc. Some of the reports deal with human rights abuses within Iraq whilst others concentrate on the refugee and displacement problem of Iraqis both within Iraq itself and the neighbouring countries such as Syria and Jordan.
Many of the reports deal with the situation in Iraq generally, within which many references to the plight of the Assyrians can be found, whilst some reports are specific to the Assyrians. The names of the relevant reports and their author(s) are written, together with links leading directly to the reports. The links are all correct at the time of compiling this dossier (December 2007).
The second section then deals with important political resolutions, motions or strategies that have been adopted by various supranational and national political institutions regarding the current situation in Iraq. Foremost amongst these has been the European Parliament which has adopted a number of important resolutions expressing concern for the situation of the Assyrian community in Iraq and the state of Iraqi refugees.
The texts adopted by the European Parliament have been referenced in full to ease the reader's access to them. Although such statements of concern and intent are a step in the right direction, it is clear that more tangible work must be done by all relevant institutions so that rhetoric can be turned into visible and effective action.
Although not human rights reports in the strict sense of the term, there are certain documents which shed more light on the current situation in Iraq and of Assyrians in particular and some of which also offer recommendations and proposals to resolve the deteriorating situation. Due to their importance in this regard, the third section is devoted to providing a brief list, identical in format as section one, of some of these documents.
Finally, the dossier ends with an appendix containing extracts from the Iraqi constitution which are of particular concern to the Iraqi Assyrian community. As stated in the appendix, the list of extracts does not intend to be exhaustive and for this reason a link to the UNAMI website is provided so that the full document can be read if one wishes.
It is hoped that, although a small contribution, this dossier can help in raising awareness of the plight of Iraqi Assyrians so that peaceful resolutions can be adopted as soon as possible and the current distressing situation can be alleviated with as little delay as possible.
The full report is available here: http://www.aina.org/reports/iiacstfosh.pdf
By Ninos WardaAssyria Council of Europe
Since the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime in the spring of 2003 the situation of the Iraqi people in general and the Assyrian community in particular in Iraq has caused particular concern on an international scale. It is generally accepted that although the situation of the Iraqi people had been regrettably dire following the fall of Saddam's regime, the bombing of the al-Askari Mosque in Samarra in February 2003 marked a turning point in that 'this incident led to targeted killings of thousands of Iraqis from both communities (i.e. Sunni and Shi'a) as well as other groups on the basis of their religious identity resulting in massive displacement of populations.'1
This displacement crisis, according to Amnesty International, is now the fastest growing displacement crisis in the world with the number of displaced people now standing at 4.2 million.
The Assyrians, the indigenous inhabitants of Iraq and a predominantly Christian ethnic minority, have not been immune to such sectarian violence and have been particularly targeted in recent years as a result of their distinct ethnic and religious identity. The church bombings in 2004 are a case in point, but simply reflect just the tip of the iceberg.
Unfortunately, there still remains a large lacuna in the general public's awareness and knowledge of the plight of Iraq's Assyrian community and this is reflected by the paucity of media coverage on this issue in the western world together with a lack of initiative to resolve this issue within national and international political institutions. Although the recent resolutions emanating from the European Parliament and the Parliament of the United Kingdom, for which see chapter 2, are welcomed, it is clear that more must be done.
With this in mind, it has been felt necessary to compile a dossier containing various documents and information outlining the plight of Assyrians in Iraq with the hope that such a dossier can act as a reference tool for people to refer to when wanting to find out accurate information about this situation from reputable and reliable sources.
Before setting out to describe the general scheme of the dossier, it is helpful to resolve an important issue which if left unresolved can sometimes lead to confusion. As a result of a rich and ancient heritage, the Assyrians have come to be identified under many names throughout the ages and this is reflected in the human rights reports and political resolutions listed in this dossier by virtue of the fact that some documents use various names such as Chaldeans, ChaldoAssyrians, or Syriacs when referring to Assyrians.
It should be emphasised from the outset that all these names refer to essentially the same indivisible people and are simply the accumulation of a heritage spanning thousands of years. As such, these different names should not be allowed to act as an impediment to the understanding and resolution of the situation of the Assyrians.
Furthermore, it will be noticed also that many of the reports refer to Assyrians in Iraq simply as 'Iraqi Christian'. This is unfortunate as the term Iraqi Christian does not take into account the ethnic identity of the Assyrians and only emphasises their religious affiliation, despite the fact that 95% of Christians in Iraq are actually of Assyrian ethnicity.
In addition, some people also refer to Assyrians as Arab or Kurdish Christians, terms which are erroneous given the fact that Assyrians possess a different language, ethnicity, culture and heritage to that of the neighbouring Arab or Kurdish populations.
The first section of the dossier contains a general list of human rights reports from various reputable institutions and individuals worldwide such as Amnesty International, the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI), the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), etc. Some of the reports deal with human rights abuses within Iraq whilst others concentrate on the refugee and displacement problem of Iraqis both within Iraq itself and the neighbouring countries such as Syria and Jordan.
Many of the reports deal with the situation in Iraq generally, within which many references to the plight of the Assyrians can be found, whilst some reports are specific to the Assyrians. The names of the relevant reports and their author(s) are written, together with links leading directly to the reports. The links are all correct at the time of compiling this dossier (December 2007).
The second section then deals with important political resolutions, motions or strategies that have been adopted by various supranational and national political institutions regarding the current situation in Iraq. Foremost amongst these has been the European Parliament which has adopted a number of important resolutions expressing concern for the situation of the Assyrian community in Iraq and the state of Iraqi refugees.
The texts adopted by the European Parliament have been referenced in full to ease the reader's access to them. Although such statements of concern and intent are a step in the right direction, it is clear that more tangible work must be done by all relevant institutions so that rhetoric can be turned into visible and effective action.
Although not human rights reports in the strict sense of the term, there are certain documents which shed more light on the current situation in Iraq and of Assyrians in particular and some of which also offer recommendations and proposals to resolve the deteriorating situation. Due to their importance in this regard, the third section is devoted to providing a brief list, identical in format as section one, of some of these documents.
Finally, the dossier ends with an appendix containing extracts from the Iraqi constitution which are of particular concern to the Iraqi Assyrian community. As stated in the appendix, the list of extracts does not intend to be exhaustive and for this reason a link to the UNAMI website is provided so that the full document can be read if one wishes.
It is hoped that, although a small contribution, this dossier can help in raising awareness of the plight of Iraqi Assyrians so that peaceful resolutions can be adopted as soon as possible and the current distressing situation can be alleviated with as little delay as possible.
The full report is available here: http://www.aina.org/reports/iiacstfosh.pdf
By Ninos WardaAssyria Council of Europe
Iraqi Kurds for long term US presence in Iraq
11/12/2007
ARBIL, Iraq, Dec 11 (AFP)
A top Iraqi Kurdish leader on Tuesday said the Kurds want a deal with Washington that would protect their rights as well ensure long term American troops presence in the country.
On his arrival from a visit to Washington, Omar Fatah, deputy prime minister of Iraq's northern Kurdish government, said they want a "strategic agreement with the Americans" similar to the one between Washington and Baghdad signed last month.
That was for a long-term economic and political agreement that would also keep American forces in Iraq beyond 2008.
"We expressed our pleasure about the agreement between Washington and Baghdad," said Fatah, adding that Iraqi Kurds want a similar deal.
"We want an agreement that would see that Kurds are not oppressed again," he said, referring to atrocities committed by the former regime against them.
Fatah said that, during his visit, he also told US leaders that the Kurds were in favour of a long-term American presence in Iraq.
"We told the Americans that Kurdistan does not support early withdrawal of US troops. We want the troops to be present until a democratic and federal Iraq is built," Fatah said.
The Kurdish leader also said Washington urged the regional administration to restrain signing oil deals with foreign companies until Baghdad passed an oil law.
"The Americans told us not to rush in signing oil contracts and said 'we know your situation is bad and need investments but we feel it is better to wait till the Iaqi oil law is passed.'"
However, Fatah said the Kurdish government had the right to sign the contracts, as the revenues generated would be used to reconstruct "thousands of villages destroyed by the former regime."
The Kurdish government is currently engaged in a heated stand-off with Baghdad over the signing of oil deals in the absence of a central oil law.
The regional administration has signed 15 deals with 20 foreign companies to explore and export oil in its territory, angering Baghdad which is yet to pass an oil bill that has been pending in parliament for nearly a year.
Source: http://www.africasia.com/services/news/newsitem.php?area=mideast&item=071211174015.peuwexz7.php
ARBIL, Iraq, Dec 11 (AFP)
A top Iraqi Kurdish leader on Tuesday said the Kurds want a deal with Washington that would protect their rights as well ensure long term American troops presence in the country.
On his arrival from a visit to Washington, Omar Fatah, deputy prime minister of Iraq's northern Kurdish government, said they want a "strategic agreement with the Americans" similar to the one between Washington and Baghdad signed last month.
That was for a long-term economic and political agreement that would also keep American forces in Iraq beyond 2008.
"We expressed our pleasure about the agreement between Washington and Baghdad," said Fatah, adding that Iraqi Kurds want a similar deal.
"We want an agreement that would see that Kurds are not oppressed again," he said, referring to atrocities committed by the former regime against them.
Fatah said that, during his visit, he also told US leaders that the Kurds were in favour of a long-term American presence in Iraq.
"We told the Americans that Kurdistan does not support early withdrawal of US troops. We want the troops to be present until a democratic and federal Iraq is built," Fatah said.
The Kurdish leader also said Washington urged the regional administration to restrain signing oil deals with foreign companies until Baghdad passed an oil law.
"The Americans told us not to rush in signing oil contracts and said 'we know your situation is bad and need investments but we feel it is better to wait till the Iaqi oil law is passed.'"
However, Fatah said the Kurdish government had the right to sign the contracts, as the revenues generated would be used to reconstruct "thousands of villages destroyed by the former regime."
The Kurdish government is currently engaged in a heated stand-off with Baghdad over the signing of oil deals in the absence of a central oil law.
The regional administration has signed 15 deals with 20 foreign companies to explore and export oil in its territory, angering Baghdad which is yet to pass an oil bill that has been pending in parliament for nearly a year.
Source: http://www.africasia.com/services/news/newsitem.php?area=mideast&item=071211174015.peuwexz7.php
dimanche 9 décembre 2007
IRAQ: Returning to destroyed, looted or occupied homes
BAGHDAD, 9 December 2007 (IRIN) - Iraqi refugee Ibtissam Abdul-Wahab Hassan returned from Syria to her home in Baghdad to find the doors broken down, some furniture stolen and parts of the house gutted by fire. The house of another returnee, Adil Abdullah Munthir, was spared a ransacking, but is now occupied by another family who refuse to leave until he finds them another place to live.
In recent weeks, tens of thousands of Iraqi refugees living in Syria have been coming back to Baghdad after a sharp decline in violence in the Iraqi capital. Many of the returnees have been shocked to find their homes destroyed, looted or occupied. “We lost everything,” said Ibtissam, a 54-year-old Shia mother-of-four who arrived in Iraq three weeks ago. “Nearly two years ago we fled to Syria after my husband escaped an assassination attempt by Sunni militants after he refused to obey them and leave the neighbourhood.” She decided to return to Baghdad with her 16-year-old son to prepare the house for when the rest of the family came back. ”But I never imagined how hard and expensive this was going to be. We have almost run out of resources and we depend only on our pensions,” she said.
Government assistance
In a bid to help these families, the Iraqi government is giving each returning family one million Iraqi dinars (about US$900).
“This amount is not enough to buy furniture for two rooms,” said Ibtissam, who now lives in her brother’s house. “I was really dismayed when I found children playing in our garden and a woman washing clothes in a cooking pot in our garage,” said Munthir, a 44-year-old Sunni father-of-two who returned to Baghdad’s southern Bayaa neighbourhood after having fled to Syria for 18 months. “When I told them that this is my house and they have to leave, they told me ‘find us another place, as we were forced out of our house by your militants [Sunni insurgents], and then you will never see us again’,” Munthir said. “Now I live in my parents’ house and I’m contacting Shia religious and political officials in my neighbourhood who promised to help me solve this,” he added.
On 5 November, the Iraqi government said that it had formed a committee headed by the Minister of Immigration and Displacement to address the problem of returnees’ properties. “We are facing some problems but all these problems will be solved as the governmental committee will survey the refugees’ houses which are occupied by other displaced families,” Brig. Gen. Qassim al-Mousawi, spokesman for the Iraqi army, told a press conference in Baghdad. However, al-Mousawi refused to elaborate on what specific measures the government would be taking to resolve the issue.
Government unable to handle huge influx
While the Iraqi government has been encouraging refugees in neighbouring countries to return – such as by airing commercials on state television and providing free buses from Damascus to Baghdad - it acknowledges that the country is not yet safe enough to absorb big numbers of returnees. According to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), just over two million Iraqis have become refugees in other countries – largely Syria, Jordan and Lebanon - while more than 2.4 million Iraqis are displaced within their own country.
UNHCR said on 7 December that it is proving difficult to determine the number of Iraqi returnees from Syria. Spokesman William Spindler said that between August and the end of November, UNHCR staff in Syria had received reports from the Iraqi border authorities that 97,000 Iraqis had entered Syria from Iraq, while at the same time 128,000 left Syria for Iraq through the main al-Waleed border point.
He added that not all these people had been refugees. According to a study conducted by UNHCR in Syria, 46 percent of Iraqis were going home because they could no longer afford to stay, 14 percent because they heard the security situation had improved and 25 percent because their visas had expired. According to the Iraqi government, 45,000 refugees returned to Iraq during October alone and 10,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) have gone back to their homes due to the improved security situation. "If the influx is huge, then neither the ministry nor the entire government could handle it,” Abdul-Samad Rahman, Iraqi Migration Minister, told a Baghdad news conference on 4 December. “Priority would be given to those who wish to return from neighbouring countries, like Syria and Jordan, where Iraqi exiles are living in difficult conditions.
In recent weeks, tens of thousands of Iraqi refugees living in Syria have been coming back to Baghdad after a sharp decline in violence in the Iraqi capital. Many of the returnees have been shocked to find their homes destroyed, looted or occupied. “We lost everything,” said Ibtissam, a 54-year-old Shia mother-of-four who arrived in Iraq three weeks ago. “Nearly two years ago we fled to Syria after my husband escaped an assassination attempt by Sunni militants after he refused to obey them and leave the neighbourhood.” She decided to return to Baghdad with her 16-year-old son to prepare the house for when the rest of the family came back. ”But I never imagined how hard and expensive this was going to be. We have almost run out of resources and we depend only on our pensions,” she said.
Government assistance
In a bid to help these families, the Iraqi government is giving each returning family one million Iraqi dinars (about US$900).
“This amount is not enough to buy furniture for two rooms,” said Ibtissam, who now lives in her brother’s house. “I was really dismayed when I found children playing in our garden and a woman washing clothes in a cooking pot in our garage,” said Munthir, a 44-year-old Sunni father-of-two who returned to Baghdad’s southern Bayaa neighbourhood after having fled to Syria for 18 months. “When I told them that this is my house and they have to leave, they told me ‘find us another place, as we were forced out of our house by your militants [Sunni insurgents], and then you will never see us again’,” Munthir said. “Now I live in my parents’ house and I’m contacting Shia religious and political officials in my neighbourhood who promised to help me solve this,” he added.
On 5 November, the Iraqi government said that it had formed a committee headed by the Minister of Immigration and Displacement to address the problem of returnees’ properties. “We are facing some problems but all these problems will be solved as the governmental committee will survey the refugees’ houses which are occupied by other displaced families,” Brig. Gen. Qassim al-Mousawi, spokesman for the Iraqi army, told a press conference in Baghdad. However, al-Mousawi refused to elaborate on what specific measures the government would be taking to resolve the issue.
Government unable to handle huge influx
While the Iraqi government has been encouraging refugees in neighbouring countries to return – such as by airing commercials on state television and providing free buses from Damascus to Baghdad - it acknowledges that the country is not yet safe enough to absorb big numbers of returnees. According to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), just over two million Iraqis have become refugees in other countries – largely Syria, Jordan and Lebanon - while more than 2.4 million Iraqis are displaced within their own country.
UNHCR said on 7 December that it is proving difficult to determine the number of Iraqi returnees from Syria. Spokesman William Spindler said that between August and the end of November, UNHCR staff in Syria had received reports from the Iraqi border authorities that 97,000 Iraqis had entered Syria from Iraq, while at the same time 128,000 left Syria for Iraq through the main al-Waleed border point.
He added that not all these people had been refugees. According to a study conducted by UNHCR in Syria, 46 percent of Iraqis were going home because they could no longer afford to stay, 14 percent because they heard the security situation had improved and 25 percent because their visas had expired. According to the Iraqi government, 45,000 refugees returned to Iraq during October alone and 10,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) have gone back to their homes due to the improved security situation. "If the influx is huge, then neither the ministry nor the entire government could handle it,” Abdul-Samad Rahman, Iraqi Migration Minister, told a Baghdad news conference on 4 December. “Priority would be given to those who wish to return from neighbouring countries, like Syria and Jordan, where Iraqi exiles are living in difficult conditions.
Stuttgart'a Türkmen, Arap, kürt Konferansı
Almanya’nın Stuttgart Şehrine yakın Bad Boll bölgesinde bulunan, araştırma merkezi Evangelische AkedemieBad Boll 7,8,9, Aralık 2007 tarihinde Kürt sorunu, Kerkük referandumu ve 140 ncı Madde ile ilgili bir Sempozyum düzenlemektedir. 3 gün süren Adı geçen Sempozyumda, Kerkük sorunu, Kürt Arap Türkmen ilişkileri ve Kerkük referandumu ile ilgili geniş bir tartışma olacaktır.
Irak Türkmenlerini Temsilen, Irak Türkmen Cephesi Almanya Temsilcisi Sn. Ganim Authman konuşmacı olarak davet edilmiştir. Irak Kürtlerini temsilen Kuzey Irak Kürt Parlamento Başkan yardımcısı Kemal Kirkuki ve Kürt Millet vekili tarihçi Nuri Talabani, ayrıca Arapları temsilen Alman Orient –Hamburg Üniversitesinden Dr Aziz Alkazaz konuşmacı olarak katılacaklardır. Ayrıca Konuyla ilgili Almanya’dan Dr. Manfred Budzinski, Dr. Bernd Empen, Abubekir Saydam, Dr. Ottmar Schickle, Stefan Struck’ta katılacaklardır.
Lütfen Tıklayın
http://www.ev-akademie-boll.de/tagungen/details/430807.pdf
ITC Berlin
Lütfen Tıklayın
http://www.ev-akademie-boll.de/tagungen/details/430807.pdf
ITC Berlin
samedi 8 décembre 2007
Azerbaycan’da Kerkük Musiki Gecesi
Kerküklü Folklor tebligatçısı Seyfettin Çakmakçı ile Azerbaycan Cumhuriyeti Kültür ve Turizm Bakanlığı’nın Reşid Behbudov Konser Salonunda düzenlediği “Kerkük Musiki Gecesi” 08 Aralık 2007 tarihinde Saat 18.00’de yapılacaktır. Konsere Azerbaycan Sanatçıları ile Kerküklü Folklor tebligatçısı Seyfettin Çakmakçı katılacaktır.Tüm Halkımız Davetlidir
İrtibat telefonları:
0099.450.5640568
0099.412.5642455
Waiting for Iraq to rise from its ashes
I am convinced that Iraq will rise from its ashes one day, when the invaders and their agents have been forced to leave.
She will stand proud again, because we are millions who love her and long for her to be what she once was.
I was not born an Iraqi, but from the moment I set foot in Iraq many years ago, I have always known that SHE is the country I love most, because of her wonderful, generous and great people.
I will carry a deep and burning wound inside me as long as she is not freed, but this will not happen until ALL her children: Arabs, Kurds, Turkmens, Chaldeo-Assyrians, Yezidis, Sabeans...have realized that loosing her would be loosing their soul.
Iraq is like a mother, she is unique and irreplaceable.
Shia and Sunna must unite, how can they forget that they belong to the SAME religion? Haven't they realized yet that is it some greedy politicians who are throwing them at each other's throats?
She will stand proud again, because we are millions who love her and long for her to be what she once was.
I was not born an Iraqi, but from the moment I set foot in Iraq many years ago, I have always known that SHE is the country I love most, because of her wonderful, generous and great people.
I will carry a deep and burning wound inside me as long as she is not freed, but this will not happen until ALL her children: Arabs, Kurds, Turkmens, Chaldeo-Assyrians, Yezidis, Sabeans...have realized that loosing her would be loosing their soul.
Iraq is like a mother, she is unique and irreplaceable.
Shia and Sunna must unite, how can they forget that they belong to the SAME religion? Haven't they realized yet that is it some greedy politicians who are throwing them at each other's throats?
Inscription à :
Articles (Atom)
