jeudi 3 avril 2008

The Qashqai





Photos A. SHIVA 2002
http://www.qashqai.net/history.html

A Short Historical Overview




For centuries the Fars region had been a multi-ethnic region, in which tribal and pastoral nomadic groups composed a large part of the population.
Turkic-speaking pastoral nomadic tribal groups began entering central and southern Iran during the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Historical movement of larger and smaller groups of pastoral nomadic households of different ethnic backgrounds, including Turks, into and out of the Fars region continued up to the nineteenth century.

The Qashqai, as a large tribal unit, dates back at least to the early eighteenth century, when some Turkish(Turki)-speaking tribal groups in the region existed under the name Qashqai and leadership of the head(s) of a certain lineage called Shahilu.

During the nineteenth century the Qashqai was gradually transformed into a large tribal confederacy composed of, mainly, Turkish-speaking pastoral nomads. Their summer pastures stretched to areas in central Iran, and their winter pastures to areas close to the Persian Gulf.
Many Turki(Turkish)-speaking tribal groups, as well as groups belonging to other ethnic groups in the region, were integrated into the Qashqai. The non-Turk groups, in time, adopted the language and other ethnic identity markers of the Qashqai. Perhaps more than a quarter of the region's population was pastoral nomadic about mid nineteenth century.
Generally speaking, during the nineteenth century the Qashqai became increasingly, though with ebbs and flows, hierarchical and centralized. Its official political hierarchy was part of the regional state structure for purposes of 'tax and order." Growth of political centralization and expansion of Qashqai population and territory in this period paralleled changes in the larger regional political economy. There was an increasing articulation of the region's political economy with the world market. This process included rise in production of agricultural and pastoral products for the market and consumption of imported goods, growth in monetization of the administrative system and the economy, relative centralization of the state apparatus, spread of private forms of land ownership, and expansion of mercantile, financial, and landed capital.
Though Iran never became an official colony of either Russia or Britain, Fars and other regions in southern Iran were under the economic and political influence of Britain during this period.
The economic changes mentioned above were unevenly effective among the region's various local communities, including various Qashqai groups.

The Qashqai as an Ethnic Group
The Qashqai are distinguished from other ethnic groups in the region by identification as Turk, or Qashqai, by themselves and others. Their identity includes a common political history, present social ties, and a shared cultural and linguistic heritage. Most Qashqai are, at least, bilingual in Persian (Farsi).
Other major ethnic groups in Fars in the nineteenth century were the Tajik (non-tribal and Persian speaking villagers and city dwellers, also called Tat, or sometimes referred to as Fars), and the Lurs, and the Arabs (or later the Arab-Basseri). The Lurs and the Arabs were also considered "tribal."
There are other non-Qashqai but Turki-speaking communities in Fars. Three out of five large tribal groups that were formed into the Khamseh confederacy of eastern Fars in the second half of the last century are Turki-speaking, so are many smaller settled and semi-settled communities throughout Fars. These three Turki-speaking tribes of eastern Fars (sometimes referred to as "Turk-e Arab"), regarded themselves as culturally close to the Qashqai, and generally sided with the majority of them in some of the major social dramas of the region's history during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

The Qashqai were active participants in the country-side political space. Their migratory routes pass by the region’s capital, Shiraz. In many regional and national upheavals, both during the nineteenth and modern (twentieth century) eras, the Qashqai also took part in the dramas staged in urban political space.

Modern Period
A transitional or liminal period, covering the first quarter of the twentieth century, dramatically divided the Iranian "premodern" and "modern" historical periods. The economic, political, cultural, and social backgrounds for such a transformation were set in the nineteenth century, particularly its later decades. But, it was during these dramatic quarter-of-a-century-long years of the Constitutional revolution and the First World War, that Iranian nationalism was communicated to larger segments of the society. In Fars and among the Qashqai, during the nationalist and anti-British movement of the war years modern ideas on national identity were disseminated, contested and reconstructed among the larger population.
During much of the twentieth century, the expanding and centralizing modern nation-state dominated the Iranian political field. Populations with a tribal and/or minority ethnic background were diversely reconstructed and transformed in a context characterized by various discourses on nationalism--combined with new ideas on the state, ethnicity, Islam, popular participation, social justice, gender relations and progress. This trend, part of a larger process of change usually termed "modernity" (or rather multiple and contested modernities) intensified and expanded since the sixties. Similar to many other dominantly non-urban populations in the country, incorporation of Qashqai masses in the national politics as Iranian citizens has further augmented during and after the Islamic revolution of 1978-79.

Sedentarization of Qashqai nomads, and rise in their involvement in non-pastoral and new economic activities, has intensified since the nineteen sixties. Presently, the Qashqai form mainly settled and semi-settled households. Settled Qashqai are dispersed throughout the region, but mostly in rural and urban locations in north-, mid-, and south-central Fars. There are some Qashqai who reside outside southern Iran, and indeed throughout the global village.

With the dissolution and transformation of tribal hierarchies and groupings in the last few decades, the importance of social networks in the way Qashqai construct their daily lives has increased. Transformations of the last few decades have brought new channels of establishing networks in urban areas and in the state apparatus.

Qashqai population of today is estimated to be over one million; up to a million and half. The definition of who could be, or is considered Qashqai, is contextual, multiple, and variable in time and space. This estimate is based on a more inclusive definition. There are no "reliable" statistics on the changing divisions into settled, nomadic and semi-nomadic components.

Qashqai.net

Azerbaijanis in Iraq - Little Known People

Azerbaijani scientist Nasiraddin Tusi is buried in the Museyi Kazim Mosque in Baghdad.
The Mausoleum of Zibeyda, one of the wives of Khalifa Harun Ar Hashid. 1190, Baghdad.

In Spring 2003 Gazanfar Pashayev wrote:
(11.1)Pages 24-25 , see:
http://www.azer.com/aiweb/categories/magazine/ai111_folder/111_articles/111_turkmen_iraq.html

Not many Azerbaijanis realize that they are closely related to one of Iraq's largest ethnic minorities, the Turkmen. These two Turkic peoples speak the same language and share a common ancestry. Furthermore, several important Azerbaijani revered intellectuals - classical poets and scientists - are buried in Iraq.


Researchers estimate that the Turkmen population in Iraq is now between 2.5 and 2.6 million. Since the Turkmen are not concentrated in one central location, however, it is difficult to provide exact figures related to population. Many Turkmen live in one of the richest oil-producing areas of the world in Kirkuk, which is about 250 km north of the capital of Baghdad.


Similar Languages


The Turkmen settled in Iraq beginning in the 7th century. Wars and the resulting treaties in the area eventually separated the Azerbaijanis living in Iraq and Azerbaijan. Their languages, however, stayed basically the same. For instance, even though Ottoman Turkish was declared as the written language for the Turkmen, their spoken language and folklore more closely reflects Azeri.


The Nizami Museum of Literature in Baku has a permanent collection dedicated to the Kerkuk / Turkomen of Iraq.


The Turkmen are Azerbaijanis and are believed to have emigrated to the region of Iraq in the 7th century. This exhibition was organized by Folklorist Gazanfar Pashayev. The wives of most of Baku's diplomatic corps attended the opening ceremony on June 20, 2000.

Azerbaijani, Turkish and Iraqi scholars affirm that Azeri and the Turkmen dialect are very similar to each other. They both come from the same root - the Oghuz group of Turkic languages. Although these two dialects survived a long history without any connection, there are no significant differences between them today.


In fact, Turkmen grammar and phonetics is very characteristic of the language of the ancient Azerbaijani epic "Kitabi Dada-Gorgud," ("The Book of My Grandfather Gorgud.") This compilation of legends was set down in writing during the 11th century but contains stories that can be traced back to the 6th and 7th centuries. Dozens of words and expressions that were used in "Dada Gorgud" but are not in use any more in Azeri are still alive and have kept their original meaning in the Turkmen dialect.


Similar Place Names


Several cities and villages found in the Kirkuk region of Iraq bear the same names as ones in Azerbaijan, such as Aghdash, Aghdam, Bilava, Aghsu, Guruchay, Boyat, Garabagh, Garagoyunlu, Amirli, Yayji, Yandija, Mardinli, Uchtapa, Khasa , Khasadaghli Chardakhli.


Near the city of Kifri in Iraq, there is a fortress named "Shirvan Galasi" (Shirvan Fortress). In 1961, this Shirvan fortress was identified as a historical monument of the Turkmen in the map of Iraq. Similarly, in Azerbaijan, there is the 15th-century palace located in Baku's Inner City called the Shirvanshah Palace, built between 1420-1460 where the residency of Shirvanshah state situated that was created during the first part of the 6th century and lasted till 1538 and was managed by the Shirvanshahs dynasty.


When Azerbaijani poet Khagani Shirvani (1126-1199) made a trip to the Middle East in 1156, he wrote his famous philosophical poem "The Ruins of Madain." His travel notes were compiled in a "safarname" called "Tohfatul Irageyn" (The Gift of Two Iraqs). Today in Madain, only the ruins of the Shah's Palace exist.


Nasiraddin Tusi


Nasiraddin Tusi (12011274) was an Azerbaijani astronomer, philosopher and mathematician who was famous for building the largest observatory in the East. Begun in 1259, the observatory still stands in Maragha, near Tabriz, in the Azerbaijani region of Iran. [See photos of this observatory in the article "Nasir al-Din Tusi (1201-1274) and the Maragha Observatory," AI 4.2 (Summer 1996). Search at AZER.com.]


Nasiraddin Tusi's grave is located in Iraq, in Baghdad's Museyi-Kazimi Mosque. Tusi is buried alongside with Museyi Kazim's grave in Museyi Kazim Mosque. The text on his tomb reads: "This is the tomb of Khoja Nasiraddin Al-Tusi Mahammad bin Mahammad Al-Hasan. He was born on Saturday dawn, Jamadul 11, 597 (Hijri calendar) [February 18, 1201 in Tus, Khorasan, which is now in Iran]. He died Monday evening, Zulhajja 18, 672 [June 26, 1274], in Baghdad. "Pity you, Nasiraddin Tusi!" Another inscription on the tomb reads: "The helper of religion and people, King in the world of Science - such a son had never before been born."


Fuzuli


Classicall Azerbaijani poet Mahammad Fuzuli (14951556) is perhaps best known for his version of the classic love story "Leyli and Majnun." Fuzuli's poetic version of this ancient Arabic legend became the setting for the first opera of the Muslim East, Uzeyir Hajibeyov's "Leyli and Majnun" (1908). Fuzuli is also famous for two collections of poetry, called "divans", one in Azeri and one in Persian.


Fuzuli died in the sacred city of Karbala in Iraq. His tomb was originally located outdoors, near the western door of the Imam Husein Mosque. Later, due to road construction planned for the city of Karbala, the tomb was destroyed (maybe intentionally) and the poet's remains was moved inside the mosque, where it lies today. This was done by order of the Municipality Office of Karbala, which allegedly planned to build a new tomb in Fuzuli's memory.


The sign next to Fuzuli's tomb reads: "The poet Fuzuli Baghdadi. Mahammad Bin Suleyman, the poet known by the name Fuzuli Baghdadi was born in [1494] in Baghdad. Some people indicate that he was born in Karbala while others in Hilla. But the most exact place of his birth is Baghdad. He died in [1556]. He wrote fine poetry in Arabic and Turkish languages. He spoke Azeri, a Turkic language." Iraqi authorities didn't mention his knowledge and poetry in Persian, due to bad relations with Iran.


Nasimi


Another famous Azerbaijani poet, Nasimi (died in 1417), also has a link to Iraq. Famous for his mysticism, as if allegedly flayed alive for his beliefs that God dwelled inside each individual. One of Nasimi's poetic works was titled "Iraqi Divan." In the beginning of the 1970s Seyid Heydar gave a 286-page manuscript of this work to Abdullatif Bandaroghlu, a scientist from Kirkuk province. Heydar considered himself to be a descendant of Shah Ismayil. This manuscript of the Iraqi Divan had been copied by Molla Turab Ibn Molla Safil Ibn Molla Amin in 1853.



Gazanfar Pashayev, lived in Iraq from 1962 to 1966 and again from 1972 to 1975. He has written 10 books related to the Turkmen of Iraq. Major works include: "Six Years Along the Banks of Dejla-Farat Rivers" [meaning between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers], "Kirkuk Songs" (Baku, 1973), "An Anthology of Iraqi-Turkoman Folklore" (Baku, 1987; 1999), "Divan Nasimi" (Baku, 1987), "Kirkuk Khoyrats" (Baku, 1983), and "TurkmenProverbs" (Baku, 1978).


Baku's Nizami Literature Museum has a Permanent Collection on display of Kerkuk-related (Turkmen) material that has been gathered by Pashayev.

mercredi 2 avril 2008

"Miras" filmi Neftçi ve Doğramacı ailelerini harekete geçirdi


14 Mart´ta vizyona giren "Miras" filmi Neftçi ve Doğramacı ailelerini harekete geçirdi. Film, Irak´ın Kerkük ve Musul bölgelerinde Türklere ait toprakların çeşitli entrikalarla İngilizlerin kontrolüne geçmesini anlatıyordu.

Neftçi ve Doğramacı aileleri ile Abdülhamit Han´ın torunları da filmi izledikten sonra yapımcıları aradı. Irak´taki topraklarının ellerinden nasıl alındığını anlatıp bununla ilgili belge sunabileceklerini belirtti. Ölüm tehditleri alan ailelerden bazıları ortaya çıkmak istemezken ünlü bilim adamı İhsan Doğramacı´nın Avustralya´da yaşayan yeğeni Sedat Doğramacı, hakkını aramak için avukat tuttu. Ailesine ait arazileri görmek için 3 kez Irak´a giden Sedat Doğramacı, kendilerine ait toprakların resmi kayıtlarının bilinçli bir şekilde yok edildiğini, bu işlerin yapılması için Türkiye´de birilerine İş Bankası aracılığı ile ´sus payı´ gönderildiğini iddia etti. Doğramacı´ya göre bu rakam 30 milyon dolar. Ailelerle görüştüklerini belirten ´Miras´ın yapım koordinatörü Mustafa Karadiş de, ölüm tehditlerini doğruladı.

Sedat Doğramacı; Bilkent Üniversitesi´nin kurucusu İhsan Doğramacı´nın kardeşi Tahsin Doğramacı´nın Avustralya´da yaşayan oğlu. 1971 yılında Türkiye´den ayrılan Sedat Doğramacı, babasının anlattığı hatıraları Zaman´la paylaştı. Son yıllarda babasından Irak´taki mal varlıkları ile ilgili çok şey dinlediğini söyleyen Doğramacı, 3 milyar dolar değerindeki topraklarının Irak´ta ölüm tehditleri ile ellerinden alındığını savunuyor. Şu an ailenin avukatlar vasıtasıyla Bağdat, Erbil ve Kerkük´teki toprakları almak için çaba sarf ettiğini kaydeden Doğramacı şöyle konuştu: "Ailemizin Irak´ta yaşadığına dair belgelerin Irak hükümeti tarafından yok edildiğini gördük. Sanki bizler orada yaşamamışız gibi kayıtlarımız silinmiş."

Sedat Doğramacı, işgal edilen topraklarla ilgili babası Tahsin Doğramacı´yı ziyarete gelen bazılarının bu araziler için ses çıkarmamasını ve bunun karşılığında para verileceğini söylediklerini aktardı. Babasının ölümü üzerine son 3-5 yıl içinde Irak´taki birileri ile yapılan anlaşma kapsamında bu toprakların Türkiye´den kaçırıldığını ileri süren Doğramacı, "Irak´taki kontaklardan ve avukatımdan aldığım haberlere göre son 3-5 sene içerisinde gizli şekilde anlaşan iki taraf 30 milyon doları bu tarafa aktarmıştır. Bu para İş Bankası kanalı ile Türkiye´ye transfer edilmiş şimdilik ´sus payı´ olarak verilmiş." dedi. Yakında Irak´taki topraklar için Avrupa İnsan Hakları Mahkemesi´nde dava açacağını ifade eden Doğramacı şöyle konuştu: "Kuzey Irak yerel yönetiminde bulunan şahıslarla Avustralya hükümeti aracılığı ile hakkımızı arayıp gerekse Ankara gerek Irak´taki akraba, kardeş ve hemşehrilerimizi mirastan faydalanmaları için elimden geleni yapmak arzusundayım. Olur da, kısa zamanda yerel hükümet ile anlaşır, bu mal varlığını anavatana getirebilirsem, babamın vasiyetini yerine getirmiş olurum. Kan ile alınan yerlerdeki hakkımızı, anavatan topraklarında kullanmak da benim arzumdur."

Hak sahibi aileler ölümle tehdit ediliyor

Miras filmi, Musul ve Kerkük´teki petrol yataklarının bulunduğu arazilerin mirasçılarını konu ediyordu. 1924 Ankara anlaşması ile Musul ve Kerkük´teki araziler İngilizlere verilmişti. Yapım Koordinatörü Mustafa Karadiş, filmden sonra Musul´da toprakları olan Abdülhamit Han´ın torunlarından, Kerkük´te arazileri olan Neftçi ailesi fertlerinden ve Erbil´de tapulu arazileri bulunan Doğramacı ailesinden büyük destek gördüklerini belirterek, "Bu konuda uluslararası mahkemelerde açılmış davalar dondurulmuş vaziyette. Petrol uğruna kavgalar veriliyor. Bu ailelerin bütün fertleri ile temasımız oldu. Hepsinin birleştiği bir nokta var: Hepsi de öldürülmekten korkuyorlar." dedi. Karadiş, Miras filminin ailelerin anlattığı gerçekler eşliğinde ikinci bölümünün çekileceğini ifade etti.

´Miras´ın devam filmi çekilecek

Miras; Musul, Kerkük ve Erbil´de toprağı olan Türk ailelerin İngilizler tarafından kanunî olmayan yollarla nasıl köşeye sıkıştırıldığını anlatıyordu. Filmin çekim aşamasında o topraklarda arazisi olan ailelerden destek aldıklarını söyleyen Yapım Koordinatörü Mustafa Karadiş, özellikle Doğramacı ailesinden fazlasıyla yardım görmüş. Karadiş, sinemaseverlerden beklenenin üzerinde ilgi gören filmin, ailelerin anlattığı gerçekler eşliğinde ikinci bölümünün de çekileceğini ifade ediyor.

The Time Bomb of Kerkuk

Mar. 31, 2008

By CAROLINE TOSH and ZAINEB AHMED

The Institute for War & Peace Reporting

Staffan de Mistura knows his time is running out.

Unless the U.N. envoy is able to resolve differences between the Shiite-controlled government here and the Kurdish authorities in the north over the fate of the oil-rich city of Kirkuk, he warns that Iraq will soon face "the mother of all crises."

The odds are not in his favor. Mistura, who was called in last month to defuse what he acknowledges is a "ticking time bomb," has so far been unable to get the parties to agree on a solution to a problem rooted in policies implemented under Saddam Hussein.

Kirkuk, long a Kurd-dominated city, saw itself "Arabized" under Saddam, who, in an effort to strengthen his control over the crucial area, forced thousands of Kurds out of the city and replaced them with Arabs from the south.

Now the autonomous Kurdistan Regional Government wants the Kurdish population restored and the Arabs evicted from houses in which some have lived for years.

The ethnic composition of the city is crucial to both parties in advance of a referendum called for under the new Iraqi Constitution that will determine whether the city and its surrounding area will be governed by Baghdad or the Kurdish-controlled north.

The referendum, scheduled for last year, was put off after the Baghdad government failed to take several constitutionally mandated steps in advance of the vote, such as providing restitution for people who were forced out of Kirkuk by Saddam, resettling or otherwise accommodating those moved into the area by the previous regime, establishing recognized boundaries for the region and holding an updated census.

Meanwhile, tensions between Baghdad and the Kurdish regional government in Erbil have continued to grow.

There's little doubt that Baghdad, which loathes the idea of surrendering control of an area that is believed to contain as much as 12 percent of the country's oil wealth, has been dragging its feet in the process.

And it's not just Arabs who oppose a possible Kurdish takeover of Kirkuk.
The city's significant Turkoman population, which has its own historical claims on the city, also opposes any move that would strengthen the Kurds' position in the area. Iraq's neighbors are also watching developments closely, as any move that strengthens the position of the Kurdish regional government could have implications for Kurdish minorities in Turkey, Syria and Iran.
Ankara is fiercely protective of Kirkuk's Turkomans and fears that, should Kurds gain control of the city and its enormous oil wealth, Kurdish separatists could be emboldened to pursue their nationalist ambitions.

Nor can Kurds count on the United States, which for years supported their defiance of Saddam's regime, to back their position.

By laying claim to Kirkuk, the Kurds are "making a major mistake," said Michael O'Hanlon, an analyst with the Brookings Institution.

"They should rethink their approach both out of fairness to the United States, which has given them a chance to help build a post-Hussein Iraq, and in the interests of the Kurds and their neighbors," he wrote in a recent piece in The Washington Post.

Now the U.N. envoy Mistura has been charged with bringing all parties together so that a vote can be held to "determine the will of ... citizens" with regard to the city and other disputed territories. But few expect the referendum to be held as scheduled, meaning that tensions are only likely to grow.

As renewed fighting flares in the south among various Shiite forces, the real crisis for the future of Iraq may be looming in the north.

mardi 1 avril 2008

Facettes cachées d’ ‘Al-Quaïda au pays des deux fleuves’

A LIRE :


Article de Gilles Munier publié dans Afrique-Asie – Avril 2008

http://www.afrique-asie.fr/images_articles/29/irak.pdf


http://www.gmunier.blogspot.com/

YANLIŞ DUVARA DAYANAN MERDİVAN

Dr. Hicran KAZANCI


Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nun son dönemlerinde, Osmanlı Devletine yakınlığıyla bilinen ve Osmanlı Devletine karşı isyana kalkışan Kürt aşiretleri bulunuyordu. Osmanlıya karşı baş kaldıran Kürt aşiretlerinin silahlı isyanlarının bastırılmasında, Osmanlıya yakınlıkları ve bağlılıklarıyla tanınan diğer Kürt aşiretlerinden oluşan Hamidiye Alayları büyük rol oynadı. Ancak 1990'lı yılların başında, ABD önderliğinde Batılı ülkeler tarafından eski Irak rejimine uygulanan yalıtma politikası sonucunda serbest harekât konumuna kavuşan Barzani ve Talabani'nin kontrol ettikleri bölgede faaliyet gösteren PKK terör örgütüne karşı, Osmanlının uzun yıllar boyunca bölgeye yönelik uyguladığı bu başarılı strateji ve taktiğin tam tersi uygulandı.


Talabani aşiretinin yanı sıra yaklaşık yirmi aşiret, İran sınırına yakın olan Irak kenti Süleymaniye merkezli Soran bölgesinde yaşıyorlar. Türkiye'ye yakın olan Bahdinan bölgesinde ise, Barzani aşiretinin yanı sıra yaklaşık yirmi sekiz aşiret bulunuyor. Irak'ın her iki bölgesinde bulunan Kürt aşiretlerinin tamamı içerisinde en güçlüleri olan Barzani ve Talabani, bölgede ortaya çıkan Kürtçülük harekâtının her zaman başını çektiler. Ayrıca, gerek Barzani gerekse Talabani'nin kontrolleri altındaki bölgelerde yaşayan diğer Kürt aşiretlerinin çoğu ile uzun yıllara dayalı kan davaları var ve bu aşiretlerin çoğu da Osmanlı döneminden kalan bir sempatiyle Türkiye'ye yakınlık duyuyor. Türkiye, 1990'lı yılların başından itibaren, Hamidiye Alayları tecrübesinin tekrarlanması yerine, bazen Barzani bazen de Talabani'yi destekleyerek PKK'ya karşı kullanma stratejisi uyguladı. Örneğin, Irak'ın kuzeyinde Barzani-Talabani arasında patlak veren çatışmaları durdurmak ve bölgedeki Türkmenleri korumak amacıyla oluşturulan Barış İzleme Gücü'nün komutanına (bugün Erbil'deki hava alanının yapımını üstlenen Türk şirketinin genel müdürlüğünü yapmaktadır) ait olan özel helikopterle, Talabani güçleri tarafından kuşatılan Mesut Barzani ve arkadaşları kurtarıldı. Dahası da, o dönemde Barzani güçleri tarafından Erbil'de faaliyet gösteren Türkmen siyasi oluşum ve hareketlerine yönelik yapılan tüm silahlı baskılara seyirci kalan ve merkezi Erbil'de bulunan Barış İzleme Gücü, Barzani ve Talabani'ye büyük yardımlar yaptı. Açık bir ifadeyle, Barzani-Talabani arasındaki ezeli rekabet ve birbirleriyle olan ezeli düşmanlıktan faydalanarak Irak'ın kuzeyindeki etki alanının genişletilmesi yerine onlara ağır silah ve büyük ekonomik yardımlar sağlandı.


KUZEYDEKİ YAPILANMA


"Bazıları merdivenin sonuna ulaştığında onun yanlış duvara dayanmış olduğunu anlar" sözünden yola çıkarak, Irak'taki Kürt yapılanmasının son basamağına gelindiğinde, Barzani ve Talabani arasındaki çatışmayı durdurup onlara büyük askeri-ekonomik yardım sağlayanlar ve kendilerine onları yıllarca PKK terör örgütüne karşı müttefik sayanlar, bu merdivenin yanlış duvara dayadıklarını anladılar. Şimdi o merdiven oradan alındı doğru duvara dayanmaya başlandı.


Merdivenin yanlış duvara dayalı olduğu dönemde, PKK terör örgütünün Irak'ın kuzeyi merkezli olarak Türkiye'ye tehdit oluşturmaya başladığı sıralarda, Türkiye, bunu yakın tehdit olarak algılayarak bölgedeki Kürt yapılanmasını öncelikli tehdit oluşturma algılamasından çıkarttı ve Barzani ile Talabani'ye büyük destek verdi. Ancak, PKK terör örgütüne karşı işbirliği yaptıkları Barzani ve Talabani'nin geçmişteki söylem ve eylemlerine bakıldığında, onların birinci önceliklerinin bir Kürt Devletine sahip olmak olduğu görülüyor. Talabani ve Barzani'yle yapılan işbirliğinin öncesinde bunların tarihileri incelenseydi, bu merdivenin son basamağına ulaşıldığında değil henüz ilk basamağındayken buranın yanlış duvar olduğu anlaşılırdı. Çünkü tarih bir toplumun kimliğidir, o toplumun sosyal davranışlarını, hangi olaylarda hangi tepkileri vereceğini gösteren bir reçetedir. Dolayısıyla, Irak'ın tarihine bakıldığında, Osmanlı Dönemi'nden sonra Irak'ta iş başına gelen iktidarların hiçbirisi, halkta toplumsal mutabakat ve toplumsal uzlaşı sağlayamamıştır. Dahası da farklı etnik kökenliler ile farklı mezheptekiler zaman zaman birbirleriyle kanlı çatışmalar yaşamıştır.



Bu durum, Irak'ta yaşayan farklı toplumlar arasındaki sosyal bağların son derece zayıf olduğunu gösteriyor. Açık bir ifadeyle, Irak'ın yirmi beş milyon nüfusunun yüzde 70'i Arap, yüzde 13'ü Türkmen ve yüzde 3'ü Asuri ve Kildanilerden oluşuyor; geriye kalan yüzde 15'i ise ( toplam 4,5 milyon) Kürt. İşin aslı bu tablo bile Irak'ta yaşayan yaklaşık yirmi milyon insanın, dört bucuk milyon insanın bağımsız yapılanma isteğine karşı olduğunu gösteriyor. Yani, aynı zamanda, Irak'ın kuzeyinde kurulacak bir Kürt devletinin yetmiş iki milyon nüfusa sahip olan Türkiye'ye karşı bir tehdit unsuru oluşturamayacak durumda olduğunu gösteriyor. Irak'ta yaşananlar nedeniyle gündeme getirilen bir başka söylem ise, Irak'ın kuzeyinde oluşacak bir bağımsız Kürt devleti yapılanmasının Türkiye'de yaşayan Kürt kökenli vatandaşlar için bir cazibe merkezi haline gelmesidir. Söylem daha çok, Türkiye'nin güneydoğusunda mevcut olan sosyal huzurun bozulması yoluyla o bölgenin beli bir süre sonra Türkiye'den kopmasını tetikleyecek süreci başlatacağı şeklindedir.



Irak'ın kuzeyindeki Kürtlerin bağımsızlıklarını ilan etmeleri ihtimaline karşı ise söylenmelidir ki; Türkiye'nin yanı sıra seksen milyonluk İran ve on sekiz milyonluk Suriye de, bölgede oluşacak bir Kürt devletine karşı olduklarını açıkça ifade ediyorlar. Bu durum, Irak'ın kuzeyinde oluşacak her hangi bir bağımsız yapılanmanın kare devlet, yani uzun süre yaşamayacak bir yapılanma olacağını gösteriyor. Bu gelişmelerin ışığında Irak'taki Türkmenlerin bölge ağırlıklı (Bağdat) bir siyasetin uygulanması için bir an önce örgütlenmeleri gerekir. Irak'taki Türkmen lider ve siyasetçilerinin, elde edilmiş haklar veya elde edilenlerin korunması için gerekli hedeflerini ve uygun zaman, imkân ve ortama bağlı olarak gerçekleştirilebilecek milli hedeflerini belirlemeleri gerekir. Bu hedeflerin belirlenmesinde, ABD'nin düşman olarak belirlenmesinden veya ABD'ye teslimiyet temelinden uzak durulması, objektif ve rasyonel esaslardan hareket edilmesi gerekmektedir. Türkmen lider ve siyasetçileri, hedefleri koruyabilme becerisine sahip olmalı, koltuk sevdasına kapılmamalı ve gerçeklerden uzak hayalî konuşmalardan vazgeçmelidirler. Ancak böylesi bir yaklaşımla, Irak'taki Türkmen meselelerinin büyük bir bölümü daha başlangıç noktasında çözümlenmiş sayılır.

AZERBAIJAN - The Land of Eternal Fire


Please see: http://www.euro-caspian.com/index.htm


Azerbaijan is a country with unlimited natural resources, centuries-old culture, thousands of years history and ancient people, whose lifestyle presents a unique and harmonious combination of the traditions and ceremonies of different cultures and civilizations.


Azerbaijan is a geographical name. On the one hand this name is linked with the population, which lived in this region for thousand of years and who were mostly fire-worshippers of the ancient religion named, Zoroastrianism, which was founded in the ancient Azerbaijan Empire. Local population considered that fire was the method to communicate with God and so they worshipped the fire. "Azer" which means fire in ancient languages was a name given to the locals .


The people of Azerbaijan are still called Azer or Azeri. Another side of the name "Azerbaijan" comes from the fire mountains in Azerbaijan. There is so much gas in the mountains that some were accidentally fired up, this could be made by either man or by nature. For these reasons the land earned the name "Azerbaijan", which means "Land of The Eternal Fire". Âzarâbâdagân, made up of âzar+âbadag+ân (âzar=fire; âbâdag=cultivated area; ân=suffix of pluralization); that it traditionally means "The Land of Eternal Flames" or "The Land of Fire".


Azerbaijan is one of the most ancient sites of humankind. The humankind was present here at every stage of their historical development. There were living settlements in Azerbaijan even at the earliest stages of humankind. Azerbaijan made its own contribution into the establishment of the current culture and civilization, progress and dialectics.


Time has kept a range of ancient archaeological and architectural monuments for us. The ancient headstones, manuscripts and models of carpets, preserved to the present times from the ancient ages, can provide much information to those who can and want to read them.


Azerbaijan is a country of great achievements. The Oguz tribes which moved here and stayed for ages, have found a deeply rooted culture and in their turn enriched it with Turkic national traditions. The talented and creative powers and legends of our nation are personified in such epic monuments as "Kitabi-Dede Gorgud", "Oguzname" "Keroglu", "Babek Khorram-Din" and many, many others.


This land was the home of many thinkers, philosophers, religious leaders, scientists, poets, architects, musicians and artists. It is known that the Zarathushtra, who was the prophet of Zoroastrianism was born in this land. Azerbaijan also enriched the humankind with such geniuses as Nizami Ganjevi, Hagani Shirvani, Bahmanyar, Nasimi, Fizuli, Nasreddin Tusi, Shah Ismail Xatai, Mullah Paneh Vagif, A. Bakikhanov, M.F. Axudov, M.A. Sabir, J.Mamedguluzade, Huseyn Javid, J.Jabarli, Samed Vurgun, Aliaga Vahid, Rasul Rza and many more.


The country of Azerbaijan was immortalized by such talented painters as Sattar Bahlulzade, Tahir Salahov, Togrul Narimanbeyov, Mikayil Abdullayev and many others.


Our national music - mugam - inspired such outstanding composers as Uzeyir Hajibeyov, Muslim Magomayev, Gara Garayev, Fikret Amirov, Niyazi, Arif Melikov and others to create their masterpieces, which are still known today throughout the world. It also gave the inspiration to such wonderful vocalists as Bulbul and Rashid Behbudov.


It seems that the famous Azerbaijan carpets are the incarnation of all colours of nature and of all signs of history. Today, these carpets magically pass the borders of time and space and travel from Azerbaijan to foreign countries far away.


The models of the decorative art made by Azeri craftsmen from the metal, ceramic, silk and woods are kept in many museums of the world.


The science and the enlightenment in Azerbaijan have a centuries-old history. The Baku State University was founded in 1919; the institutes of the Academy of Sciences of Azerbaijan play an exceptional role in scientific, educational and cultural development of Azerbaijan. Local scientists are currently studying such important issues as the depths of the Caspian Sea, space exploration and the secrets of human brain.


The existing educational system of Azerbaijan is made up of dozens of higher educational institutions and technical schools, thousands of high schools, colleges and lyceums.
One of the most important problems which is currently solved by local scientists is environmental protection of the Caspian Sea and different regions of Azerbaijan. Such natural reserves as Gizilagach, Shirvan, Zagatala, Aggol, Girkan and others, were established due to the efforts of Azerbaijani scientists.


Through the decades, the local industry was successfully represented by oil producing, petrochemical and oil processing enterprises. The agricultural industry is famous for cotton-growing, viticulture, vegetable-growing and cattle-breeding.


If one compares the economy of Azerbaijan with a living body, it becomes evident that oil flows in the veins of Azerbaijan. The oil and gas resources of Azerbaijan have made this place famous in every part of the world from the ancient times.


Azerbaijan has always been famous for its sources of eternal fires - the Atashgehs. There is a place called Yanar Dag (Blazing Mountain) in Absheron and thermal springs in some parts of Nakhichivan, Kelbejar, Masali, Lenkoran, Babadag.


In Surakhani, there is an eternal fire place. From the ancient times the fire worshippers from remote places and even the Indian priests were coming to Absheron in search of fire and finding it here. They built their main temples here in Surakhani and Ateshgah.


The word Azerbaijan brings its main wealth - oil - before the eyes. Oil is not only the wealth, but the fame as well. People were coming to Azerbaijan from distant places for this specific taste and coloured puddle under the ground. Throughout the centuries, camel cades carried water skins of oil in both eastern and western directions. The Azeri oil is not used exclusively for the electricity production, but also as a valuable medicine for a variety of diseases. There has been an increasing demand for oil throughout the centuries. In the 18th and 19th century, Azerbaijan produced over 90% of the world oil. In fact the Battle for Stalingrad was fought over the capital; Baku, which by that time produced over 60% of the world oil.


From the beginning of the 20th century, the continuous industrial development around the world, caused an unprecedented growth of the demand for oil. It was at this time oil turned from an everyday mean into an industrial product. Oil become the most important problem in the world in the 20th century - the century of science and technologies. Oil-producing countries have acquired special oil policies and oil strategies in this connection.


Azerbaijan is currently involved into the implementation of huge energy projects. Oil and gas projects are successfully implemented in the Azeri Caspian sector. Azerbaijan is a country, which plays an extremely important role in the Caspian and Caucasian regions, particularly in the development of transport infrastructure in the Caucasus and the implementation of energy projects. It was the region's first country to explore the huge energy potential, to form an absolutely new economic model in the regional development, and to expand political and economic relations between Europe and Asia.


In spite of the sad results of Armenia's aggression against Azerbaijan (Armenia occupied the territory of Nagorno Karabakh and 7 neighbouring districts. About 1.000.000 out of total population of eight million are refugees), our country mobilized its potential and had great successes in building democracy. Azerbaijan manages to successfully overcome the difficulties and continues making important and firm steps towards the establishment of a democratic and lawful country with civil society.


Azerbaijan has membership in the United Nations (UN), Organization of Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), Council of Europe (CE), Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), GUUAM, Organization of Islamic Conference, Black Sea Economic Collaboration (BSEC), Organization of Economic Cooperation (OEC). Azerbaijan also actively cooperates with the European Union, NATO, International Monetary Fond, European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, Islamic Development Bank and other organizations. It accedes to the new joint documents and international agreements.

THE GENOCIDE OF AZERBAIJANIS



AZERBAIJANI EMBASSY BRUSSELS



PRESS RELEASE

31st MARCH-THE DAY OF GENOCIDE OF AZERBAIJANIS



According to the decree of the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan of 26 March 1998, every year on 31 March Azerbaijan commemorates the Day of Genocide of Azerbaijanis.

This year the people of Azerbaijan once again pay their respect to victims of massacres and ethnic cleansing conducted as a result of imperial policies in the region and waves of Armenian aggression.

The dismemberment of the Azerbaijani people and the division of the historical lands of Azerbaijan began with the Treaties of Gyulistan and Turkmanchai, signed in 1813 and 1828. The national tragedy of the Azerbaijani people continued with occupation of their lands. As the result of implementation of this policy, a very rapid mass resettlement of Armenians in Azerbaijani lands took place. The policy of genocide became an integral part of the occupation of Azerbaijani lands.

Inspired by dreams of creating a “Greater Armenia”, Armenians, not even concealing their intentions, carried out a series of large-scale bloody actions against Azerbaijanis between 1905 and 1907. Hundreds of settlements were destroyed and razed to the ground; the thousands of Azerbaijanis were barbarically killed.

Taking advantage of the situation followed the World War I and the February and October 1917 Revolution in Russia, Armenians began to pursue the implementation of their plans under the banner of Bolshevism. Under the watchword of combating counter-revolutionary elements, in March 1918 the Baku Commune began to implement a criminal plan aimed at eliminating Azerbaijanis from the whole of Baku Province. The crimes perpetrated by Armenians in those days have imprinted themselves forever in the memory of the Azerbaijani people. Solely because of their ethnic affiliation, thousands of peaceful Azerbaijanis were annihilated. The Armenians set fire to homes and burned people alive. They destroyed national architectural treasures, schools, hospitals, mosques and other facilities, and left the greater part of Baku in ruins.

The genocide of the Azerbaijanis was carried out with particular cruelty in Baku, Shemakha and Guba districts and the Karabakh, Zangazur, Nakhichevan, Lankaran and other regions of Azerbaijan. In these areas, the civilian population was exterminated, with villages put to the torch and national cultural monuments ruined and destroyed.

After the proclamation of the Azerbaijani Democratic Republic, the events of March 1918 were at the center of attention. In 1919 and 1920 the Azerbaijani Democratic Republic observed 31 March as a national day of mourning. This was in fact his first attempt to give a political assessment of the policy of genocide against Azerbaijanis. However, the demise of the Azerbaijani Democratic Republic left this work unfinished.

In 1920, taking advantage of the sovetization of Transcaucasia for heir own vile purposes, the Armenians declared Zangazur and the number of Azerbaijani districts as a territory of the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic.

On 23 December 1947 the Armenians secured the adoption of a special decision by the Council of Ministers of the USSR on the resettlement of Azerbaijanis from Armenian SSR to the Azerbaijani SSR, and between 1948 and 1953 they were able to have mass deportation of Azerbaijanis from their historical lands conducted at the State level.

Beginning in the 1950th the Armenian nationalists, with the help of their protectors, initiated a flagrant campaign of intellectual aggression against the Azerbaijani people. In books, magazines and newspapers they sought to prove that the most treasured masterpieces of the national culture of the Azerbaijanis, their classical heritage and architectural monuments belonged to the Armenians.

Hundreds of Azerbaijanis were driven from the city of Erevan and other districts of the Armenian SSR. Armenians grossly violated the rights of Azerbaijanis, made it difficult for them to be educated in their mother tongue, and pursued a policy of repression. The historical names of Azerbaijani villages were changed; old toponyms were replaced with modern names on a scale unprecedented in the history of toponymy.

The new territorial claims of Armenia towards Azerbaijan instigated by the leadership of USSR, at the end of 80s of the last century resulted in a large-scale war, occupation of 20 percent of territories of the Republic of Azerbaijan by the Armenian military units, and becoming refugees and internally displaced persons of about one million of Azerbaijanis.

In 1988 the remaining 200,000 Azerbaijanis were forcibly deported from their historical homelands within the present-day Armenian State. Killing and maiming accompanied the mass expulsion: 216 Azerbaijanis were killed during the ethnic cleansing in 1988-1989.

In February 1992, the Armenians committed unprecedented massacre of the population of the Azerbaijani town of Khojaly. The bloody tragedy, which became known as the Khojaly Genocide, resulted in extermination or capture of thousands of Azerbaijanis; the town was razed to the ground. That tragic action by its scale and features is in full conformity with the notion of genocide defined by provisions set forth in the Convention “On Prevention and Punishment of Crime of Genocide” adopted by the UN General Assembly resolution 260 {III} dated December 9,1948.

All of Azerbaijan’s tragedies that took place in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries were accompanied by the seizure of lands constituted various stages in the Armenia’s deliberate and systematic policy of genocide against Azerbaijanis.

In contrast to the aggressive Armenian nationalists who unceasingly declare to the world about the pseudo-genocide and use it for the purpose of getting political-financial dividends and to achieve some “compensations” Azerbaijan does not follow such kind of aims informing the world about truth of the genocide of Azerbaijanis. We consider that in the modern world territorial claims against another state, ideology of hate against the whole nations, attempts to solve the arguable issues between the states and peoples by military means are inadmissible. At the same time, the whole world should know the truth about the real genocide.


Addressing the nation on the occasion of the Day of Genocide of Azerbaijanis, President İlham Aliyev stated, “I am convinced that thanks to the patriotism and good organization of our citizens, and the purposeful activities and political will of the leadership of Azerbaijan, we will achieve solution to all the problems we are facing, including restoration of the territorial integrity and sovereignty, as well as exposure of those who carried out the policy of real genocide against our people, and whose ideology is hostility and hatred towards other nations...”





M. Humbatov Fuad


M. Gojayev Ayaz