dimanche 26 avril 2009

ITC, Kuruluşunun 14. Yıldönümünü Kerkük'te Düzenlenen Törenle Kutladı


ITC, Kuruluşunun 14. Yıldönümünü Kerkük'te Düzenlenen Törenle Kutladı


26 Nisan 2009, Pazar.


Irak Türkmen Cephesi(ITC)'nin 14. kuruluş yıldönümü, Irak'ın kuzeyindeki Kerkük kentinde düzenlenen törenle kutlandı. Kutlama etkinlikleri çerçevesinde geçtiğimiz yıl uğradığı saldırıdan sonra tamirat geçiren ITC Başkanlık binası da tekrar hizmete açıldı.

Kerkük Bağdatyolu üzerinde bulunan ITC başkanlık binasında gerçekleştirilen törene ITC Başkanı Sadettin Ergeç, Kerkük Polis Müdürü Turhan Abdurrahman, Havice Bölgesi Arap Meclis Başkanı Ali Hüseyin Salih ile Kürt ve Arap temsilcilerinin yanında çok sayıda davetli katıldı.
Temmuz 2008'de Kerkük'te bir gösteri sırasında meydana gelen patlama nedeniyle başlayan olaylar sonrası ITC Başkanlık binasına saldırı gerçekleşmiş ve bina kısmen kullanılamaz hala gelmişti. Bu nedenle başlatılan onarım çalışmaları ITC'nin 14. kuruluş yıldönümüne denk getirilerek törenle açıldı. Açılış kurdelesi ITC Başkanı Sadettin Ergeç tarafından kesildikten sonra davetlilerle bina gezdirildi.

Başkanlık binasının tekrar hizmete alışmasından duydukları sevincini belirten ITC Kerkük Temsilcisi Erşad Salihi, milletimize yakışır binanın artık hizmete geçtiğini söyledi. El ele verildiği zaman Türkmenlerin varlığının devam edeceğini de ifade eden Salihi, "Türkmenler olarak Kerkük'ün özel bir statüye kavuşmasını istiyoruz. Tek bir yönetim olmalı. Kürt, Arap ve Türkmenler kenti birlikte idare etmeli. Kerkük'ün istikrar ve güveni Irak'ın istikrar ve güveni demektir."

Havice Bölgesi Arap Meclis Başkanı Ali Hüseyin Salih, bu anlamlı gönde Türkmenlere destek olmak amacıyla burada olduklarına dikkat çekti. Salih, kentte etnik ayırım yapmanın kimseye yarar getirmeyeceğini ifade ederek kentte yaşayan herkesin eşit olduğunu ifade etti.
(CHA)

mercredi 22 avril 2009

اليوم العالمي للبذور


اليوم العالمي للبذور
يوم السادس والعشرين 26 من نيسان /إبريل
يوم البذور غير المحتكرة والتنوع الزراعي
وحقوق المزارعين والتصدي للقانون 81 الجائر


لعمل لقاء صحفي ، الرجاء الإتصال ب :ا

وفاء النظيمة
كيمبردج - الولايات الأمريكية)ا) INEAS_1994@yahoo.com
16178646327

فراس إبراهيم
firas@mosul-a.org


كمبريدج ، ماساتشوستس -- أيدت المنظمات وأعداد من الناشطين والمزارعين والمدافعين عن الأغذية العضوية اليوم العالمي للبذور في السادس والعشرين (26) من نيسان

الغرض من تنظيم هذا اليوم هو تثقيف الجمهور وإطلاع وسائل الإعلام على :ا

القانون 81 وتأثيره السلبي على مستقبل الزراعة في العراق -أ
ب- كيفية مقاومة جبروت الشركات الزراعية العالمية من السيطرة على موارد البذور والزراعة

ج- أهمية التنوع البيولوجي وكيفية ممارسة إدخار البذور
د - مخاطر الأغذية المحرفة وراثيا وما تعني البذور المسجلة

لنعمل سوية على تثقيف المجتمع والدعوة الى البذور الخالية من الإحتكار والدفاع عن حقوق المزارعين ، والحشد لتحدي ومقاومة الشركات الزراعية العملاقة الإحتكارية والقانون 81 :
http://www.INEAS.org/events.htm


تاريخيا ، يمنع الدستور العراقي ملكية الموارد البيولوجية ‘ كما أن حفظ وتوفير البذور لدى المزارعين يحدث بطريقة حرة غير تنظيمية وغير رسمية . كان إدخار بذور الحقول وحرية تبادل المواد الزراعية بين المزارعين ولفترة طويلة أساسا للممارسات الزراعية في العراق. ولكن كل هذا تغير ؛ ففي يوم 26 أبريل 2004 ، أصدر بول بريمر، مدير سلطة التحالف المؤقتة ، الأمر 81 ، الذي يمنع المزارعين من إعادة استعمال البذور المحصودة من أصناف جديدة مسجلة وفقا لهذا القانون. عندما تعلن ملكية المحصول يصبح إدخار بذوره ممنوعا ومعه يستوجب على الفلاحين دفع حقوق الملكية للشركات الإحتكارية التي تدعي امتلاك البذور

القانون الجائر واللاعادل يتحتم علينا عصيانه"ا"
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=I-B1yU278zk


هذا القانون هو نتاج برنامج المعونة الأمريكية في العراق ، والذي يؤكد أن برامج المساعدات الخارجية هي أساسا صفقات تجارية مصممة لمصلحة الشركات في الولايات الأمريكية وأوروبا. وهي تتلاءم تماما مع الرؤية الأميركية لمستقبل العراق الزراعي التابع لنظام يعتمد على منتوجات كيميائية وبذور مباعة من قبل الشركات الكبرى . الغرض من الأمر 81 هو تيسير إنشاء سوق جديد للبذور في العراق يحتكره شركات غير وطنية ، والذي معه يجبرالمزارعين العراقيين على شراء البذور سنويا ، بما فيها المحرفة وراثيا
منح القانون الشركات الاميركية السيطرة الكاملة على البذور العراقية لمدة 20 عاما. فرض على المزارعين العراقيين توقيع اتفاق يستوجب دفع "رسم التكنولوجيا" بالإضافة إلى رسم الترخيص السنوي. جعل بند حماية أصناف النباتات (PVP) توفير البذور وإعادة استخدامها غير شرعي ، فضلا عن أن زراعة البذور "المشابهة" للبذور المحتكرة من قبل هذه الشركات يؤدي الى العقاب بالغرامة والسجن. تريد شركات الزراعة الإحتكارية تعميم نفس القوانين في كل مكان ، بما فيها الولايات الأمريكية. وهذا من شأنه أن يعرض مستقبل الزراعة العضوية والمستقلة الى الخطر

تعاني الكثير من البلدان النامية في أفريقيا وآسيا كما في أفغانستان والهند والعراق من هذه القوانين الظالمة واحتكار الشركات الزراعية العملاقة . ولهذا فالمنظمات العالمية والنشطاء والمدافعين عن الأغذية العضوية ، وأصحاب المزارع والمزارعين في جميع أنحاء العالم ينادون بالدعوة إلى البذورغير المسجلة والتنوع البيولوجي والتوعية حول الممارسات الإجرامية التي ترتكبها الشركات الزراعية العالمية وكيف ستؤثر هذه القوانين الظالمة على مستقبل الزراعة



Les espions de l'or noir, par Gilles Munier

NOUVEAU LIVRE

Les espions de l’or noir, par Gilles Munier (Ed. Koutoubia)

Dédicace : le mercredi 29 avril, à 19 heures

Galerie Arcima : 161, rue St Jacques, à Paris (métro : Luxembourg)


22 avril 2009



Le pétrole, « maître du monde » ? Oui, mais comment en est-on arrivé là ? Des rivalités pour contrôler la route des Indes à l’émergence des Etats-Unis comme puissance mondiale, les pays anglo-saxons ont su étendre leur influence en Asie centrale, dans le Caucase et au Proche-Orient, avec, au final, leur mainmise sur les principales ressources pétrolières mondiales.

Gilles Munier remonte aux origines du Grand jeu et de la fièvre du pétrole pour raconter la saga des espions de l’or noir et la malédiction qui s’est abattue sur les peuples détenteurs de ces richesses. Il brosse les portraits des agents secrets de Napoléon 1er et de l’Intelligence Service, du Kaiser Guillaume II et d’Adolphe Hitler, des irréguliers du groupe Stern et du Shay – ancêtres du Mossad – ou de la CIA, dont les activités ont précédé ou accompagné les grands bains de sang du 19ème et du début du 20ème siècle.

Parmi d’autres, on croise les incontournables T.E Lawrence dit d’Arabie, Gertrude Bell, St John Philby et Kermit Roosevelt, mais aussi des personnages moins connus comme Sidney Reilly, William Shakespear, Wilhelm Wassmuss, Marguerite d’Andurain, John Eppler, Conrad Kilian. Puis, descendant dans le temps, Lady Stanhope, le Chevalier de Lascaris, William Palgrave, Arthur Conolly et David Urquhart.

« On dit que l’argent n’a pas d’odeur, le pétrole est là pour le démentir » a écrit Pierre Mac Orlan. « Au Proche-Orient et dans le Caucase », ajoute Gilles Munier, « il a une odeur de sang ». Lui qui a observé, sur le terrain, plusieurs conflits au Proche-Orient, montre que ces drames n’ont pas grand chose à voir avec l’instauration de la démocratie et le respect des droits de l’homme. Ils sont, comme la guerre d’Afghanistan et celles qui se profilent en Iran ou au Darfour, l’épilogue d’opérations clandestines organisées pour contrôler les puits et les routes du pétrole.

330 pages, avec photos, cartes et index – 22,60 euros - Editions Koutoubia - Groupe Alphée-Editplus

Les espions de l’or noir
Commentaires, critiques et questions posées à l’auteur sur : http://espions-or.noir.over-blog.com

Table des matières

· Avant propos : Pétrole… la dernière croisade occidentale

· Introduction : Le pétrole, « excrément du diable »

· Chapitre 1 : James Bond 007 se parfume au brut

· Chapitre 2 : Les espions de Napoléon, précurseurs du Grand jeu

· Chapitre 3 : William-Cohen Palgrave, l’espion jésuite qui voulait évangéliser les wahhabites

· Chapitre 4 : Jeux de vilains dans le Caucase et en Asie centrale

· Chapitre 5 : L’invention du Moyen-Orient

· Chapitre 6 : Capitaine William Shakespear, l’espion bien-aimé

· Chapitre 7 : Drang nach osten I – Les espions de Guillaume II

· Chapitre 8 : Wilhelm Wassmuss, l’insaisissable espion allemand

· Chapitre 9 : St John Philby, l’espion qui choisit le wahhabisme

· Chapitre 10 : Thomas Edward Lawrence, l’espion trop médiatisé

· Chapitre 11 : Gertrude Bell, l’espionne au cœur brisé

· Chapitre 12 : Drang nach osten II – Les espions d’Adolphe Hitler

· Chapitre 13 : Gaafar John Eppler, l’espion de l’Abwehr

· Chapitre 14 : Dame Freya Stark fait de l’espionnage

· Chapitre 15 : Pétrole, la France à la remorque des anglo-saxons

· Chapitre 16 : La mort mystérieuse de Conrad Kilian, espion malgré lui

· Chapitre 17 : Kermit Roosevelt, Ajax et les « tueurs à gages économiques »

· Postface : Espionnage privé : danger immédiat !

· Index

· Bibliographie
___

et

Sidney Reilly, un prêtre pas très catholique

Le Bagdadbahn et la carte pétrolière secrète du Sultan Abdul Hamid II

Koba (futur Staline) rackette les magnats du pétrole

Deterding, le « Napoléon du pétrole » finance le parti nazi

Quand Hitler ménageait les Britanniques

Palestine : le groupe Stern tend la main à Hitler

Jaussen, un dominicain au Service de Sa majesté

Le cas Massignon


BONNES FEUILLES

Bagdad : Fritz Grobba et le Carré d’Or

Au Proche-Orient, Hitler réactiva les réseaux créés pendant la Première guerre mondiale par le baron von Oppenheim et les services secrets du Kaiser. De nouvelles têtes apparurent, comme Fritz Grobba qui doit sa renommée au coup d’Etat des Officiers du Carré d’Or en 1941, à Bagdad. Spécialiste en langues orientales, il avait effectué dans sa jeunesse un court séjour en Palestine comme drogeman – interprète – puis comme officier avant de rejoindre l’Abteilung II, le département Orient du ministère des Affaires Etrangères. Nommé ambassadeur en Irak de 1932 à 1939, il avait rempli avec succès sa mission, y compris quand elle fut élargie à l’Arabie Saoudite où il avait tenté de convaincre le roi Ibn Saoud de se rapprocher de l’Allemagne.

En avril 1939, le roi Ghazi 1er dont la sympathie pour l’Allemagne et la volonté de réintégrer le Koweït dans le royaume étaient connues, trouva la mort dans un curieux accident de voiture, tout de suite dénoncé comme un assassinat par les nationalistes irakiens. Rien n’échappait aux Anglais : en juin 1939, un rapport secret de l’Air Staff Intelligence décrivait ses activités. On y apprenait que le montant des échanges commerciaux avait doublé - les firmes allemandes vendant leurs produits au dessous du prix pratiqué à Berlin - que des professeurs passés par l’Académie allemande dirigée par Karl Hanshofer à Munich, formaient des Irakiens des couches défavorisées pour des études universitaires en Allemagne, et que l’impact de la propagande du IIIè Reich allait grandissant. Une attention particulière était portée aux activités du club nationaliste arabe Muthana et de la Société de défense de la Palestine, de Yunis Bahri qui devint célèbre comme speaker de Radio Berlin, et de Amin Ruweiha, médecin d’origine syro-palestinienne, considéré comme un dangereux activiste anti-sioniste. Ce dernier expliqua plus tard son engagement pro-allemand par le fait que ces derniers n’ayant pas de colonies arabes, avaient les mains propres ; qu’ils étaient les ennemis des Anglais et des Français, les deux principaux ennemis des Arabes ; qu’ils n’avaient ni utilisé ni trahi les Arabes, qu’ils n’étaient pas partie prenante dans les accords Sykes-Picot, et – plus étonnant - qu’ayant perdu l’Alsace et la Lorraine, ils savaient ce que signifiait une occupation étrangère.

Dans le même esprit, le Premier ministre Rachid Ali et les colonels du Carré d’Or, héros de la révolution irakienne de 1941, n’étaient pas des nazis, mais des nationalistes irakiens. Leur coup d’Etat, programmé pour le 10 mai 1941, fut avancé quand ils apprirent qu’un régiment de Gurkhas avait embarqué en Inde pour Bassora. La conjoncture semblait favorable à Rachid Ali pour tenter un coup de force : les Allemands, occupant la Grèce et la Crète, pourraient les aider comme l’avait promis, semble-t-il, l’amt 1, le service secret SS. Les Britanniques ne pouvaient pas envoyer de renforts importants en Irak en raison de la progression de l’Africa Korps dans le désert libyen.

Rachid Ali demanda à Kinahan Cornwallis, ambassadeur anglais, de mettre les familles anglaises en sécurité sur la base militaire de Habbaniyya. Quand ce fut fait, il fit encercler et pilonner la base, puis proposa d’échanger les captifs contre le départ des Gurkhas. Il plaça les installations pétrolières sous contrôle irakien, obligeant l’Iraqi Petroleum Company à les maintenir en état et à livrer quatre millions et demi de litres d’essence à l’armée irakienne, mais destinés à la Wehrmarcht. Rachid Ali et les officiers du Carré d’Or avaient rempli leur part de l’accord conclu avec Fritz von Papen, ambassadeur du IIIè Reich à Constantinople : mise à disposition de pétrole irakien contre une aide allemande pour libérer les pays arabes et les unifier. La suite des événements dépendait des Allemands.

Malgré le bombardement de Habbaniyya, les Anglais tenaient bon. Une petite piste d’atterrissage construite sur le terrain de golf de la base permettait de les approvisionner en munitions. Fritz Grobba, représentant spécial du Führer auprès de Rachid Ali, arriva le 11 mai, avec quatre jours de retard. Il justifia, sans convaincre, la faiblesse du contingent allemand venu avec lui par l’importance des pertes subies en Crète. Un colonel allemand dressa la liste des besoins irakiens. Il réclama l’intervention de six escadrilles des Messerschmitt. Elles n’arrivèrent pas, de même que la majeure partie des armes débloquées par le général Dentz, haut-commissaire français en Syrie. Rachid Ali remercia plus tard Jacques Benoist-Méchin, présent lors des négociations Darlan-Hitler qui permirent ces livraisons, parce qu’elles avaient servi, en juillet 1958, à renverser la monarchie pro-britannique.

Les Irakiens ne se doutaient pas – ni Fritz Grobba, sans doute non plus - que l’armée allemande allait attaquer la Russie et qu’Hitler, partisan à l’époque d’une paix séparée avec l’Angleterre, ne voulait pas s’engager plus. Comble de malchance : le général Axel von Blomberg qui devait commander les forces allemandes fut tué, dit-on, par un Irakien qui avait cru que son avion était anglais. L’Opération Tapis doré, lancée à partir de la Jordanie, mit fin aux espérances des colonels du Carré d’Or. Le 30 mai, Fritz Grobba prit le chemin de Mossoul et de la Turquie. Rachid Ali et le Mufti de Jérusalem se réfugièrent en Iran, puis à Berlin. (…)

Les espions de l’or noir, par Gilles Munier
Paru le 26 avril 2009 aux Editions Koutoubia
Commandez-le chez votre libraire !

Gertrude Bell : L’œil de l’Intelligence Service sur la Mésopotamie

L’encerclement du corps expéditionnaire du général Townshend à Kut donna à Gertrude Bell l’occasion de tester ses capacités manipulatrices. Elle écrivit à Nouri Saïd, officier dans l’armée ottomane, membre d’al-Ahd - l’Alliance – organisation arabe clandestine anti-turque, pour lui demander de sortir de l’ombre. Elle demanda aux chefs de tribu de ne plus aider l’armée turque. Lawrence arriva en renfort d’Egypte avec un million de livres pour corrompre le général Khalil, commandant des forces turques et neveu d’Enver Pacha, ministre turc de la Guerre. Rien n’y fit : l’armée britannique subit une des plus humiliantes défaite de son histoire.

Au Caire, l’existence du Bureau arabe était enfin officialisée, mais Gertrude Bell ne tenait pas y reprendre sa place, se sentant – au contact des réalités – plus proches des analyses de Delhi que du Caire. Devenue indispensable à Bassora, Hardinge la nomma conseiller permanent de Percy Cox dont les attributions comprenaient la Mésopotamie et les pays du Golfe. En avril 1916, à Koweït, elle impressionna Ibn Saoud, qui n’avait jamais côtoyé d’Européennes, par ses connaissances et son dynamisme. Dans un article publié par l’Arab Bulletin, publication à diffusion restreinte à destination des cadres de l’Intelligence Service, elle le décrivit, enthousiaste, comme un homme d’exception en adéquation totale avec son peuple. Sans le dire trop ouvertement, elle espérait qu’il éliminerait Ibn Rachid et le Chérif Hussein de La Mecque.

Après la prise de Bagdad, Cox la nomma secrétaire des Affaires orientales, c'est-à-dire en fait, comme elle le souhaitait, l’œil, la bouche et le bras de l’Intelligence Service en Mésopotamie. (…)
_______________

Boutin, l’espion de Sidi Ferruch

En 1810, Napoléon convoqua Vincent-Yves Boutin, 38 ans, depuis peu Colonel du Génie, à peine remis d’une blessure infligée à la bataille de Wagram, pour l’envoyer en Egypte et en Syrie, toujours dans la perspective de conquérir les Indes britanniques. L’Empereur avait quand même dû écrire au général Clarck, ministre de la Guerre, pas pressé d’exécuter ce genre d’ordre, pour insister sur l’urgence de son départ. Que Boutin, lui disait-il, masque sa mission comme il l’entendra, mais qu’il la fasse…. Le ministre ne pouvant qu’obtempérer, chargea - en accord avec l’Empereur - Auguste Merciat d’aller s’informer de la situation en Palestine, et Bernardino Drovetti, consul français au Caire, de recruter un homme capable de pénétrer parmi les bédouins, de les éloigner des Ottomans, et de reconnaître tout le désert… jusqu’aux frontières de l’Inde. Vaste programme qui échut, théoriquement, au Chevalier Théodore de Lascaris.

Vincent-Yves Boutin ne manquait ni de courage ni d’intelligence. Il avait bourlingué à travers l’Europe au gré des campagnes militaires de l’Empereur, les précédant parfois en mission exploratoire. En 1808, il s’était rendu secrètement en Algérie et avait repéré l’endroit idéal pour débarquer un corps expéditionnaire : la pointe de Sidi Ferruch… Napoléon envisageait alors d’occuper l’Algérie en partant d’Espagne, et de se servir du pays comme base de départ vers l’Egypte et les Indes Britanniques. Sur le chemin du retour, les Anglais ayant arraisonné son bateau au large d’Ajaccio, Boutin se retrouva prisonnier. Il parvint à s’échapper à Malte, déguisé en marin italien, et à retourner à Paris par Constantinople pour apprendre que la conquête de l’Algérie était remise à plus tard : la résistance farouche du peuple espagnol avait contraint Napoléon à modifier ses plans. (…)

Nota : En 1830, sous Charles X, le rapport du colonel Boutin servira à conquérir et coloniser l’Algérie. Le général de Bourmont, ancien chef chouan rallié à Napoléon 1er, commandant le corps expéditionnaire débarquant à Sidi Ferruch était passé à l’ennemi la veille de la bataille de Waterloo.



Des bonnes feuilles des « Espions de l’or noir » sont à lire
dans les magazines L’Optimum et Afrique Asie de mai.

« Les espions de l’or noir » - www.editions-koutoubia.eu

Contact presse : Cécile Rol-Tanguy – 06 08 88 26 97 – crtpresse@wanadoo.fr

Commentaires, critiques et questions posées à l’auteur
sur : http://espions-or.noir.over-blog.com


Rédaction et traduction : Gilles Munier, Xavière Jardez

Courriel : gillesmunier8639@neuf.fr - Portable : 06 19 74 45 99


ISSN : 1773 – 9780

dimanche 19 avril 2009

Letter to President Barack Obama


Orhan Ketene

President Elect Barack Obama

Dear and Honorable Mr. President:


Congratulations on your historical election as the president of the United States of America. Your victory is the triumph of hope, a hope for a good change and a better future for the United States and the world.

I am writing to you not just because you won an election but because you have good intentions and you stand for justice and equality.

As a Turkmen from Northern Iraq, I ask you to pay attention to the plight of the Turkmens who are the second largest community in Northern Iraq and the third largest one in Iraq.

This peaceful and civilized people have been a part of Iraq’s history for at least fifteen centuries and have contributed a lot to this country. Their monuments throughout the history still stand.

Turkmens have always been friendly with neighboring communities in the region. They have shared their wealth and lands with the others for thousand years.

However, for the last nine decades, they have been unjustifiably prejudiced as disloyal to the country and wrongfully portrayed as the fifth column of a neighboring state. They have been under suspicion and have been victims of assimilation and ethnic cleansing campaigns.

Their population, which is in the category of millions, had been ignored and until today, they have been treated as a small minority by every administration in Iraq. My people were and are marginalized and denied their right of self determination, autonomy and any role in the state affairs as well as any high position in the successive governments.

Dear Mr. President; this people are in dire need of justice.


It is helpful to know that Northern Iraq is a multi-ethnic, multi-lingual, multi-cultural and multi-religious area.

Unlike the rest of the country, which is predominantly Arabic, there are four major distinct groups in the North; the Kurds, the Turkmens, the Arabs and the Chaldo-Assyrians as well as two smaller groups, the Ezdis and the Shabaks.

Northern Iraq includes the ethnic homelands of Kurdistan, Turkmeneli and Assyria. Therefore, each of those communities would like to have their autonomy and the right of self-determination, in order to protect and promote their language and culture. None of the groups accept to be dominated by the other, but rather through equal partnership between the majors and a fair share for the rest.

The American administration has told Iraqi minorities that they will bring equality to individuals and communities alike. However, they favored one minority only and gave them every thing they dreamed of and more. On the other hand they gave symbolic positions and representations to the Turkmens and the Chaldo-Assyrians.

Moreover, they let this favored minority to dominate the whole of Northern Iraq by force, despite the will of the other components.

The reality in Northern Iraq is; one ethnic homeland of one ethnic group is expanding against the other ethnic homelands.

Unlike what has been portrayed in the western media, Northern Iraq is not a haven for democracy, peace and stability, but rather, a land of mini dictatorships, ethnic discriminations, ethnic cleansing, countless assassinations, unwarranted arrests and torture.

Currently, there is a resistance in Northern Iraq against this imposed hegemony which will escalate into a bloody conflict unless equality between all groups is established.

Dear Mr. President; Turkmens hope to see the United States adhere to its American values and leave a good legacy behind, for this troubled region.

Empowering and enabling those great values will stop terrorism, ethnic intimidation and the drain of wealth. It will bring peace, stability and cooperation between all ethnic groups in Northern Iraq which will make it a good model for the rest of the Middle East region.

I ask you, as a defender of justice and righteousness, to consider the real situation in Northern Iraq and do the right thing to restore Americas’ rightful image.

Thank you for your attention.

Sincerely,

Orhan Ketene

USA Turkmen Representative

(2002-2007)

samedi 18 avril 2009

Third Iraqi Turkmen Media Council Conference - Istanbul






Third Iraqi Turkmen Media Council Conference
Istanbul
10-12 April 2009

Merry Fitzgerald’s Speech




I thank the General Secretary and the Members of the Turkmen Media Council for inviting me to the 3rd Turkmen Media Conference and for giving me the opportunity to speak.

Distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen:

Journalism in Iraq

Journalism in Iraq began with Zawra newspaper in June 1869, it was published in Turkish and later in Turkish and Arabic, its editor in chief was a Turkmen.

The Turkmen media in Kerkuk are almost a century old, their history goes back to even before the creation of the Iraqi state, indeed Havadis Gazetesi was the first newspaper which was published in the Turkish language in Kerkuk (in 1911), it was followed by Maaref Gazetesi in 1913.

After the First Word War, when Iraq came under British occupation, the Turkmen media were published in two languages: Turkish and Arabic, i.e. Necme in 1918, Teceddüt in 1920, Kerkük Gazetesi, a weekly publication of Kerkük Municipality from 1926-1974, Ileri in 1935, Afak in 1954, Beshir in 1959 and Kardaşlik in 1960.

After the 14th July 1958 revolution in Iraq which brought down the monarchy and established the republic in Iraq a new constitution was written. In this first republican era constitution the Iraqi people were defined as being composed of Arabs and Kurds.

One can consider that the actual problem of the Turkmens in Iraq has started with this first republican era constitution which has discriminated and marginalised their community by down-grading it to the level of a minority with lesser rights than their Arab and Kurdish compatriots.

The Turkmens were not allowed to be educated in their mother tongue and whilst the Arabic and Kurdish media were able to flourish in Iraq the Turkmens lost the right to publish in their own language, with the consequence that today, Turkmen media have a shortage of professional journalists and are lagging behind.

In the north of Iraq where the majority of the Turkmens live and where the Turkmen region is located Turkmens have suffered from the policy of arabisation in the past and are suffering since April 2003 from the hegemonic policy of the dominant Kurdish parties who are applying the policy of kurdification of the Turkmen region (Turkmeneli) in the north of Iraq.

The Turkmen media can play a very important role in promoting and defending the rights of the Turkmen community, indeed, the media play a crucial role in shaping a healthy democracy; they are the backbone of a democracy. The media can shape people’s opinions and it is not without reason that they are also called the fourth pillar of democracy alongside the executive, legislative and judiciary powers.

Hence, the Turkmen media’s role in the development of the Turkmen society in Iraq should not be under-estimated, the media’s role is to create a social awakening about the cultural heritage, it has to build confidence and instil a sense of responsibility particularly among the youth.

As far as I know, since 2003 up to now, the Turkmens of Iraq do not yet have their own daily newspaper published in their language, this is unfortunate and all the Turkmens with their different political parties and organizations must realize that it neither logical nor acceptable for a community of almost 3 million people which considers itself rightfully as the third main ethnic community in Iraq, not to have a daily paper published in their language.

In these troubled times it is important for Turkmens to be kept informed about the political developments in Iraq, this will enable them to defend their cause and to demand their rights.

With the proliferation of alternative media, websites and blogs the Turkmens also have the opportunity to make the international public opinion aware of their situation and this requires a good knowledge of foreign languages To get people’s attention and to be credible Turkmens should give special attention to the quality of their writings, as sloppy texts are often misunderstood and do not draw the attention of the readers.

Turkmen youth in Iraq should therefore be encouraged to study communication and journalism and they should be given a chance to study abroad in order to learn foreign languages such as English, French, Spanish and German and become familiar with other cultures. Young Turkmens of the Diaspora should also be encouraged to study communication, as they already have the advantage of being familiar with foreign cultures.

Iraq’s Future

On the subject of Iraq’s future a lot has been said and published in the media, US and EU experts are giving their opinions and advice, which are mostly patronizing and which do not necessarily represent the interest of the Iraqi people. These “experts” concentrate almost exclusively on the business opportunities in Iraq for their companies and their interest is centred principally on Iraq’s oil, gas and agriculture.

Iraq, as we all know, can be self-sufficient, it has water, wheat and oil. Today, because of the war and occupation, Iraq has to import wheat and even oil and a great number of Iraqis do not have access to water.

The future of Iraq’s oil is being decided under Occupation (by the US through their lackeys in the Iraqi government and by the Kurdish warlords) long term contracts which are giving away Iraq’s oil riches are being signed and these will bind Iraqis for several generations.
What is more, the fate of Iraq’s food sources and agricultural heritage is being looted behind closed doors.

The US-UK’s deliberate bombing of Iraq’s civilian infrastructure of water purification and electrical plants, cattle feed lots, poultry farms, fertilizer warehouses, pumping stations, irrigation systems, fuel depots and pesticide factories – the very infrastructure of Iraqi agriculture – has destroyed the Iraqi Agriculture.

The invasion of Iraq was not only about oil, the US corporate agribusiness is now overseeing the “rehabilitation” of agriculture in Iraq and this means the doom of Iraqi farmers.

Iraqi scientists are ringing the alarm bell, but unfortunately their warnings do not get the attention they deserve in the media.

The Occupation is destroying the economy and the future of Iraq.

Iraq, the Fertile Crescent, is home to the oldest agricultural traditions in the world. It was the centre of domestication for a remarkable range of today’s primary agricultural crops and livestock animals. Wheat, barley, rye, lentils, sheep and goats were all originally brought under human control around 8.000 BCE. Iraq is where wild wheat was once originated and many of its cereal varieties have been exported and adapted worldwide.

The inhabitants of Mesopotamia have used informal seed supply systems to plant crops, suited to their particular environment. The saving and sharing of seeds in Iraq has always been a largely informal matter. Local varieties of grain and legumes have been adapted to local conditions over the millennia. Agriculture remains an essential part of Iraq’s heritage.
Despite extreme aridity, characterised by low rainfall and soil salinity, Iraq had a world standard agricultural sector producing good quality food for generations.

According to the UN Food and Agricultural Organisation (FAO), 97% of Iraqi farmers in 2002 still used saved seed from their own stocks from last year’s harvest, or purchased from local markets, this despite the criminal sanctions which destroyed Iraq’s agricultural sector.


U.S. Policies – GMOs and the Detrimental Effects of Order 81

When Paul Bremer left Baghdad after the so-called “transfer of sovereignty” in June 2004, he left behind the 100 orders he enacted as head of the occupation authority in Iraq.
Among them is Order 81 which he issued and signed on April 26, 2004 (paragraphs 51-79) on “Patent, Industrial Design, Undisclosed Information, Integrated Circuits and Plant Variety”. This order amends Iraq’s original patent law of 1970 and unless and until it is revised or repealed it has the status and force of a binding law; with important implications for farmers and the future of agriculture in Iraq, this order is yet another important component in the US attempts to radically transform Iraq’s economy.

While historically the Iraqi constitution prohibited private ownership of biological resources, the new US-imposed patent law introduces a system of monopoly rights over seeds. Inserted into Iraq’s previous patent law is a whole new chapter on Plant Variety Protection (PVP) that provides for the “protection of new varieties of plants”. PVP is an intellectual property right (IPR) or a kind of patent for plant varieties which gives an exclusive monopoly right on planting material to a plant breeder who claims to have discovered or developed a new variety. So the “protection” in PVP has nothing to do with conservation, but refers to safeguarding of the commercial interests of private breeders (usually large corporations) claiming to have created the new plant.

To qualify for PVP, plant varieties must comply with the standards of the UPOV Convention, (International Union for the Protection of New Plant Varieties) which requires them to be new, distinct, uniform and stable. Farmers’ seeds cannot meet these criteria, making PVP-protected seeds the exclusive domain of corporations. The rights granted to plant breeders in this scheme include the exclusive right to produce, reproduce, sell, export, import and store the protected varieties. These rights extend to harvested material, including whole plants and parts of plants obtained from the use of a protected variety. This kind of PVP system is often the first step towards allowing the full-fledged patenting of life forms. Indeed, in this case the rest of the law does not rule out the patenting of plants or animals.

The term of the monopoly is 20 years for crop varieties and 25 for trees and vines.
During this time the protected variety de facto becomes the property of the breeder, and nobody can plant or otherwise use this variety without compensating the breeder. This new law means that Iraqi farmers can neither freely legally plant nor save for re-planting seeds of any plant variety registered under the plant variety provisions of the new patent law. This deprives farmers from what they and many others worldwide claim as their inherent right to save and replant seeds.

Corporate control

The new law is presented as being necessary to ensure the supply of good quality seeds in Iraq and to facilitate Iraq’s accession to the WTO (World Trade Organization). What it will actually do is facilitate the penetration of Iraqi agriculture by the likes of MONSANTO, SYNGENTA, BAYER and DOW CHEMICAL – the corporate giants that control seed trade across the globe.

Eliminating competition from farmers is a prerequisite for these companies to open up operations in Iraq, which the new law has achieved. Taking over the first step in the food chain is their next move.

Food Sovereignty

Food sovereignty is the right of people to define their own food and agriculture policies, to protect and regulate domestic agricultural production and trade, to decide the way food should be produced, what should be grown locally and what should be imported.

The demand for food sovereignty and the opposition to the patenting of seeds has been central to the small farmers’ struggle all over the world over the past decade. By fundamentally changing the law in Iraq, the US has ensured that Iraq’s agricultural system will remain under “OCCUPATION”.

Unfortunately, the mainstream media hardly cover this important subject and the majority of Iraqis are unaware of this Machiavellian plan which will devastate the future of their country’s agriculture and irremediably change their lives and that of the future generations of Iraqis if it is implemented.

Organizations, activists, farmers and organic food advocates around the world have endorsed and will observe April 26 (day on which Bremer issued and signed this criminal law in 2004) as International Seeds Day (ISD).

A “Greedy, unjust law is meant to be disobeyed”.

The Iraqi Turkmen media can play a paramount role in informing the Iraqi people and especially the farmers of the implications of Order 81, the future of Iraq’s agriculture depends on it.

According to a recent report drafted for the ministers of the Group of Eight nations the world faces a permanent food crisis and global instability unless countries act now to feed a surging population by doubling agricultural output, it warns that global agriculture production must double by 2050.

I wish the Iraqi Turkmens and all the Iraqi people determination and courage to achieve these goals.

I thank you for your attention.

Merry Fitzgerald
Committee for the Defence of the Iraqi Turkmens’ Rights (Belgium)
Istanbul, 10th April 2009.





Notes:
Patent, Industrial Design, Undisclosed Information, Integrated Circuits and Plant Variety Law of 2004, CPA Order No. 81, 26 April 2004, http://www.iraqcoalition.org/regulations/20040426_CPAORD_81_Patents_Law.pdf

UPOV stands for International Union for the Protection of New Plant Varieties. Headquartered in Geneva, Switzerland it is an intergovernmental organisation with 53 members, mostly industrialised countries. The UPOV Convention is a set of standards for the protection of plant varieties, mainly geared toward industrial agriculture and corporate interests. See http://www.upov.org/.

WTO : The World Trade Organisation, wherein the Iraqi Government has an observer status.

Türkmenlerin Dünyaya Sergiledikleri Belirsizlikler- 2



Türkmenlerin Dünyaya Sergiledikleri Belirsizlikler- 2Orhan Ketene

7 Nisan, 2009

Şurası bir gerçektir ki, Türkmenlerde belirsizlikler devam ettikçe, hem Türkmenler saygınlık kaybedecek hemde yabancılar Türkmenler hakkında bildiklerini okuyacaklar ve şimdiki kargaşa devam edecektir.Unutmayalım ki belirsizlik ve karışıklık insanları bezdirir. Bu karışıklığın ana yaratıcıları ise karşıtlarımızdır. Bunun politik adı ise “Dezenformasyon”dur.


Bu belirsizlikler bir an önce merçek altına alınmalı ve eldeki verilerin en doğruları seçilerek belirlenmelidirler. Peki, verilerin hangileri doğrudur?Doğruları seçmek ve benimsemek en başta, Türkmenlerin görevidir ve dünya da bunları kabul etmek zorundadır


Şimdi tek tek belirsizlikleri inceleyelim ve doğruları belirtelim:


Türkmen adı ve şehir adlarının İngilizce şekli konusunda bir kesimimiz hemen İngilizce sözlüklere bakarak doğruları seçelim diyecekler!Bunlara cevabımız : Sözlükler değişimez kutsal kitaplar değillerdir. Bir kaç akademisyenin, piyasayı inceleyip bulgularını içerir. Ortada dolaşan değişik şekillerini yazarlar ama hangisinin doğru olduğunu söylemezler.


Türkmenler kararlarını verdikten sonra hepsi bir ağızdan aynısını tekrar edince, kamuoyu oluşur ve resmileşir. Dünya da bunu böyle kabul eder.Belirsizlik:


1- Türkmenlerin İngilizce adları belli değil: Türkçe adları net bir şekilde belirli olmasına karşın (Tekil: Türkmen, Çoğul: Türkmenler). İngilizcede ise:


Tekil: Turkmen, Turkman, Turkoman, Turcoman, Trukman, Turukman, Turkuman, Torkeman....v.s. Çoğul: Turkmens, Turkmen, Turkmans, Turkomans, Turcomans, Turkomen, Turkomens, Turukmans, Turkumans......v.s.Çözüm:1- Türkmen Adı: Türkmen adındaki karışıklığın sebebi, Arapça veya Farsça yazılışın değişik hecelerle latinceye geçmesindendir.


Türkmen kelimesi bir addır ve hangi dilde olursa olsun değişmez. Nasıl ki (Tekil-Çoğul) Arab-Arabs, Kurd-Kurds, Assyrian-Assyrians deniyorsa Tekil: Turkmen, Çoğul: Turkmens olmalıdır.


Türkmen yazarlar hep birlikte bu şekilde yazarsa ve bunda israr ederse, bu ad genelleşir ve dünyaca kabul edilir ve dünya bilgi kaynaklarına (ansiklopedilere ve internete) bu şekilde kaydedilir.


Aksi taktirde, hem tekile hem çoğula hemde sıfata ayni kelimeyi (Turkmen) kullanırsak, karşımızdakinde şaşkınlık yaratacağız. Eğer çoğula Turkmen dersek, bu kelime: Turk-men olarak anlaşılır yani (Türk erkekler) dolayısıyla, tekil Türkmene: “Turk-man&eq; Turkman” yani (Türk erkek) sonucuna varılır ki yanlıştır.


Sıfatta ise Türkmence &eq; Turkmenian olmalıdır (örnek: Arab-Arabic, Kurd-Kurdish, Turkmen-Turkmenian) (Türkmence&eq;Turkmenian).


Birde karşıtlarımızın durumuna bakalım. Kürt ve Kürdistan, İngilizcede Kurd ve Kurdistan geçiyor. Halbuki bunlarında bir sürü değişik adları vardır (Curd-Curdestan. Kord-Kordestan) ama bu adları bugünkü literatürde göremezsiniz çünkü sabitleştirildi ve adlarla oynanmasına hoş bakmıyorlar.


Bu konuda kişisel tecrübemi anlatmakta yarar görüyorum. ITC´nin Washington temsilciliğini yaptığım yıllarda, 6 Aralık 2002’de Beyaz Saray, ITC’yi resmi Irak muhalefet gurupları arasına koymaya karar verdi, Amerikan Dış İşleri bakan yardımcısıyla yaptığımız toplantıda, Beyaz Saraya, hakkımızdaki gerekli bilgileri verecek bir yetkili bana yaklaşıp sordu: Türkmenler hakkında yaptığı araştırmada 7 tane değişik adlarının olduğunu tesbit ettiğini söyledi. Bunlardan hangisinin doğru olduğunu sordu.


Bende doğrunun Turkmen-Turkmens olduğunu anlattım ve böylece Beyaz Saray kararnamesi yayınlandı. Ondan sonra büyük ölçüde bu şekilde kaldı ve diğer versiyonlar kayboldu. Ancak son zamanlarda yine eski kargaşaya dönmeye başladı. Özellikle tekil-çoğul kargaşası devam etmektedir.


Belirsizlik:

2- Türkmenlerin şehir adlarının latince yazılışı belirsizdir: Kerkuk, Karkuk, Kirkuk, Karkouk. Telafer, Tel Afar, Talafar, Talla’far.Musul, Mosul, Mousil, Mawsil. Erbil, Arbil, Irbil. Altun Kopru, Altun Kupri, Alton Kopru, Alton Kupri. Tawukh, Tawuq, Tavuk, Tawoq, Daquq. Tuz Khurmatu, Tuz Hurmatu, Toz Khurmatu, Toz Khormato. Qara Teppe, Kara Tepe, Qara TappaKhaneqin, Hanekin, Khanaqeen.Qizlarbat, Kizlarbat, Kizil Ribat, Sadiye. Qaraghan, Karagan, Jalawla, Celevla.


Çözüm:

2- Türkmen Şehir Adları: Türkmen şehirlerinin adlarındaki karışıklığın sebebide yine Arapçadaki yazılışın değişik hecelerle latinceye geçmesindendir. Iraklıların Arapça telaffuzu başlıca kuzeyli ve güneyli olarak ikiye ayrılır. Kuzeydekiler genellikle açmayla (Fatha), konuşurlar: Karkuk, Arbil, Hamrin...gibi.


Güneydekiler ise kırmayla (Kesre) konuşurlar: Kirkuk, Irbil, Himrin gibi. Bu şehir adları Arapçada hareketsiz yazılınca, tamamen konuşmacının söyleyişine bağlıdır. İşte bu yüzdendir ki bugünkü karmaşa yaşanmaktadır.


Bunun çözümü şudur: Irakta latince yazan sadece Türkmenlerdir. Dolayısıyla, Türkmenler ne şekilde yazıyorsa, İngilizce yazılarda bunların İngilizce yazılış şekli Türkmence şeklinden ve söylenişinden alınmalıdır.


İngilizcede bazı Türkçe karakterler “ö”,”ü” olmadığına göre “o”,”u”şekline dönüşebilir.


Dolayısıyla: Kerkük&eq; Kerkuk, Altun Köprü&eq; Altun Kopru, Qarağan&eq;Qaragan. Buna göre Türkmenler, şehir adlarını İngilizce yazılarında şöyle yazmalıdırlar: Kerkuk, Telafer, Musul, Erbil, Altun Kopru, Tawukh, Tuz Khurmatu, Kifri, Qara Teppe, Qizlarbat, Qaragan, Khaneqin, Mendeli, Bedre, Aziziye, Mahmudiye, İskenderiye, Yusufiye.


Türkmen yazarlar hep birlikte bu şekilde yazarsa ve bunda israr ederse, bu adlar genelleşir ve dünyaca kabul edilir ve dünya bilgi kaynaklarına (ansiklopedilere ve internete) bu şekilde kaydedilir. Unutmayalım ki adlar kimliktir ve Türkmenler kimliklerinde israr ederseler saygınlıklarıda artar.Arapçalaştırılan Türkmen şehir adları (Te’mim, Salahiyye, Sadiyye, Jalawla) ise kesinlikle kullanılmamalıdır.


Belirsizlik:

3- Türkmenlerin nüfusu belirsizdir: 200.000, 400.000, 800.000, 1 milyon, 1.5 milyon, 2 milyon, 2.5 milyon, 3 milyon, 3.5 milyon, 4 milyon,....v.s. Dünya ansiklopedilerinde Türkmen nüfüsunu 200.000-3.5 milyon arası gösterirler ki bu bilgisayar çağında belirsizliğin en çarpıcı örneğidir.


Çözüm:

3- Türkmen Nüfusu: Genellikle tüm Türkmenlerin ve özellikle yurt dışındaki Türkmen temsilcilerinin en büyük sıkıntısı Türkmen nüfüs sorunudur. Bugüne kadar güvenilir ve doğru bir sayım yapılmadığından, hep tahminlerle gidilmiş ve 1957 sayımı sonuçları esas alınarak enterpolasyonla bugünkü rakamlar çıkartılmıştır ki o da şüphelidir. Türkmenler nüfuslarını abartmaya, karşıtları olan Kürtler ve Araplar ise sayılarını en düşük düzeye düşürmek isterler.


Bu tartışmaya son vermek için mutlaka bir sayım yapılmalıdır. Ekim 2009’da devlet tarafından sayım yapılacağı söyleniyor ancak ne kadar güvenilir olacağı ve şartların ne kadar müsait olduğu şüphelidir.


Aslında en doğrusu, ITC’nin bu sayımı gayri-resmide olsa kendisinin yapmasıdır. ITC, 2003 Nisanından beri Irak genelinde kurduğu 65 dolayındaki bürosu bu işi yapsaydı şimdi sorun olmazdı. Aradan geçen 6 yılda her gün bir kaç aile sayılsaydı, şimdi Türkmen sayısı belli olurdu.


Aslında, Irak devleti tarafından resmi ve sağlıklı bir sayımın yapılması için en başta şu şartların gerçekleşmesi gerekir:


A- Güvenliğin sağlanması ve peşmerge baskılarının kalkması gerekir.


B- Korku veya çıkar yüzünden milliyetini saklamaya yeltenenlere karşılık, Türkmenlerin kendi asıllarını inkar etmeyecek derecede milli şuur verilmelidir. Bu da tüm Türkmenlere ulaşıp, ilgilenmeli ve sorunlarına çare aranmalıdır. Özellikle Araplaşan Türkmenlerin asıllarına dönmeleri ve kabul etmelerine ağırlık verilmelidir.Nüfus sorunu çözülürse Türkmenler için büyük bir belirsizlik ortadan kalkmış olur

http://www.kerkukmedya.com/articles.php?action=view&id=198

vendredi 17 avril 2009

Report by Amnesty International: Human rights in the Kurdistan region of Iraq

Hope and Fear: Human rights in the Kurdistan region of Iraq
Source: Amnesty International (AI)
Date: 14 Apr 2009

Full_Report (pdf* format - 1.1 Mbytes)

Introduction

The Kurdistan Region of Iraq, unlike the rest of the country, has generally been stable since the 2003 US-led invasion. It has witnessed growing prosperity and an expansion of civil society, including the establishment of numerous non-governmental organizations (NGOs) active in the promotion and protection of human rights. The Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) has made progress in the field of human rights. In mid-2008 it released hundreds of political detainees, many of whom had been held for years without charge or trial. It has improved Iraqi legislation; the Press Law of September 2008, for example, expanded freedom of expression, and amendments to the Personal Status Law passed in October 2008 strengthened women's rights.

The authorities have also established several bodies to monitor and prevent violence against women, including specialized police directorates and shelters. Platforms have been established to foster dialogue between the authorities, particularly the Ministry of Human Rights, and civil society organizations on human rights concerns, including violence against women.

Despite these positive and encouraging steps, however, serious human rights violations persist and still need to be addressed. In particular, urgent action by the government is required to ensure that the KRG's internal security service, the Asayish, is made fully accountable under the law and in practice, to investigate allegations of torture, enforced disappearances and other serious human rights violations by the Asayish and other security and intelligence forces. As well, more needs to be done to end violence and discrimination against women, building on the progress achieved so far, and to enhance the standing in society and life choices available to women and girls.

Thirdly, the KRG must take steps to protect and promote the right to freedom of expression, including media freedom, taking into account the vital role of the media in informing the public and acting as a public watchdog.

It is these three areas which form the focus of this report.

Since 2000, thousands of people have been detained arbitrarily and held without charge or trial in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, in some cases for more than seven years. The vast majority were suspected members or supporters of local Islamist organizations, including both armed groups and legal political parties that do not use or advocate violence as part of their political platform. Some were tortured or otherwise ill-treated in detention.

Invariably, detentions were carried out by members of the Asayish , without producing an arrest warrant, and those detained were then denied access to legal representation or the opportunity to challenge their continuing detention before a court of law or an independent judicial body, throughout their incarceration.

Some detainees were subjected to enforced disappearance, including some whose fate and whereabouts have yet to be disclosed – typically, following their arrest by the Asayish or the intelligence services of the two main Kurdish parties, their families were unaware of their fate and whereabouts and were unable toobtain information about them, or confirmation of their detention from the authorities. Dozens of other prisoners, meanwhile, are under sentence of death having been convicted in unfair trials.

Despite welcome government efforts to address "honour crimes" and other violence against women, it is clear from comparing survey data on violence against women with the number of police recorded cases of violence against women that the vast majority of such incidents remain unreported. Even when women have been killed or survived a killing attempt, many perpetrators have not been brought to justice – often because investigations have failed to identify the perpetrators or because suspects remain at large.

Freedom of expression continues to be severely curtailed in practice, despite the recent abolition of imprisonment for publishing offences. Journalists have been arrested and sometimes beaten, particularly when publishing articles criticizing government policies or highlighting alleged corruption and nepotism within the government and the dominant political parties. Again, the hand of the seemingly all powerful and unaccountable Asayish and other security agencies is alleged to be behind a number of these attacks. One journalist was killed in July 2008 in suspicious circumstances.

This report details a wide range of human rights violations committed in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq in recent years. In particular, it sheds light on violations such as arbitrary and prolonged detention without charge or trial, enforced disappearance, torture and other illtreatment, the death penalty, unfair trials, discrimination and violence against women, and attacks on freedom of expression. It includes case studies to illustrate these abuses. The report also puts forward numerous recommendations which, if implemented, would go a long way towards reducing such violations.

Much of the information contained in this report is the outcome of a fact-finding visit conducted by Amnesty International in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq from 23 May to 8 June 2008,2 the first such visit by Amnesty International for several years. Amnesty International submitted its findings, in the form of two memoranda on human rights concerns, to the KRG in August 2008 and sought its response. The responses received in communications from the KRG Ministry of Human Rights at the end of 2008 are reflected in this report.

Full_Report (pdf* format - 1.1 Mbytes)

lundi 6 avril 2009

بيـــــان

بيـــــان

بدعم وتحريض من الحزبين الكرديين وبمساندة الإدارة المحلية بما فيها قوات الشرطة والأسايش في كركوك بالضغط على الموظفين ومن كافة القوميات وفي معظم دوائر الدولة في كركوك لإجبارهم للتوقيع على ما يسمى باستبيان لتقرير مصير كركوك وربطها باقليم (كردستان) في مخالفة واضحة للديمقراطية واستغلال للسلطات الإدارية لأغراض حزبية وانتهاكات صارخة لحقوق الانسان
ان الهدف من وراء هذه الامور هي افشال المادة / 23 من قانون انتخابات مجالس المحافظات وكذلك الضغط على فريق الأمم المتحدة ( اليونامي ) المنهمكة في اعداد تقرير حول المناطق المتنازع عليها وبالأخص كركوك
تطالب الكتلتين ( التركمانية والعربية ) دولة رئيس الوزراء الاستاذ نوري المالكي بالتدخل شخصيا لإيقاف هذه الإجراءات غير القانونية ونطالب السيد استيفان ديمستورا للانتباه إلى هذه الممارسات الاستفزازية واشعال فتيل النزاع وعدم تأثيرها والتأثير على حيادية الأمم المتحدة ونزاهتها
وفي حال إصرار الأحزاب الكردية على ممارسة إجراء استبيان أو استفتاء حول مصير كركوك فاننا نلجأ إلى طلب من الشعب العراقي في جميع المحافظات باستبيان آراءهم حول كركوك ومصيرها


الكتلتين التركمانية والعربية
في مجلس محافظة كركوك
06/04/2009