vendredi 18 septembre 2009

Why Is Obama Still Using Blackwater?

By Jeremy Scahill
September 16, 2009

Two years ago on September 16, 2007, on a steamy hot Baghdad day with temperatures reaching 100 degrees, a heavily armed Blackwater convoy entered a congested intersection at Nisour Square in the Mansour district of the Iraqi capital. The once-upscale section of Baghdad was still lined with boutiques, cafes and art galleries dating back to better days. The ominous caravan consisted of four large armored vehicles with machine guns mounted on top.

As the Blackwater convoy was entering the square that day, a young Iraqi medical student named Ahmed Hathem Al-Rubaie was driving his mother, Mahasin, in the family's white sedan. As fate would have it, they found themselves stuck near Nisour Square. The family were devout Muslims and were fasting in observance of the holy month of Ramadan.

Ali Khalaf Salman, an Iraqi traffic cop on duty in Nisour Square that day, remembers vividly when the Blackwater convoy entered the intersection, spurring him and his colleagues to scramble to stop traffic. But as the Mambas entered the square, the convoy suddenly made a surprise U-turn and proceeded to drive the wrong way on a one-way street. As Khalaf watched, the convoy came to an abrupt halt. He says a large white man with a mustache, positioned atop the third vehicle in the Blackwater convoy, began to fire his weapon "randomly."

Khalaf looked in the direction of the shots, on Yarmouk Road, and heard a woman screaming, "My son! My son!" The police officer sprinted toward the voice and found a middle-aged woman inside of a vehicle holding a 20-year-old man covered in blood, who had been shot in the forehead. "I tried to help the young man, but his mother was holding him so tight," Khalaf recalled. Another Iraqi policeman, Sarhan Thiab, also ran to the car. "We tried to help him,'' Thiab said. "I saw the left side of his head was destroyed and his mother was crying out: 'My son, my son. Help me, help me.'''

Officer Khalaf recalled looking toward the Blackwater shooters. "I raised my left arm high in the air to try to signal to the convoy to stop the shooting." He says he thought the men would cease fire, given that he was a clearly identified police officer. The young man's body was still in the driver's seat of the automatic vehicle and, as Khalaf and Thiab stood there, it began to roll forward, perhaps as a result of the dead man's foot remaining on the accelerator. Blackwater guards later said they initially opened fire on the vehicle because it was speeding and would not stop, a claim hotly disputed by scores of witnesses.

Aerial photos of the scene later showed that the car had not even entered the traffic circle when it was fired upon by Blackwater, while the New York Times reported, "The car in which the first people were killed did not begin to closely approach the Blackwater convoy until the Iraqi driver had been shot in the head and lost control of his vehicle," meaning Blackwater had already shot the man. "I tried to use hand signals to make the Blackwater people understand that the car was moving on its own and we were trying to stop it. We were trying to get the woman out but had to run for cover," Thiab said.


To read on please click on:
http://www.thenation.com/doc/20090928/scahill3/print

mercredi 16 septembre 2009

What Iraqi journalist Muntadhar al-Zaidi had to say



September 15, 2009


What Iraqi journalist who threw shoes at Bush had to say


Click on the link below to watch the video
http://www.mcclatchydc.com/homepage/story/75438.html

BAGHDAD — Muntadhar al Zaidi, the Iraqi reporter who threw his shoes at former President Bush last year in an act of protest that gained international notoriety, was freed from an Iraqi prison Tuesday after nine months behind bars and gave a passionate defense of his actions.


Here are his remarks, translated by McClatchy special correspondent Sahar Issa.

In the name of God, the most gracious and most merciful.

Here I am, free. But my country is still a prisoner of war.

Firstly, I give my thanks and my regards to everyone who stood beside me, whether inside my country, in the Islamic world, in the free world. There has been a lot of talk about the action and about the person who took it, and about the hero and the heroic act, and the symbol and the symbolic act. But, simply, I answer: What compelled me to confront is the injustice that befell my people, and how the occupation wanted to humiliate my homeland by putting it under its boot.


And how it wanted to crush the skulls of (the homeland’s) sons under its boots, whether sheikhs, women, children or men. And during the past few years, more than a million martyrs fell by the bullets of the occupation and the country is now filled with more than 5 million orphans, a million widows and hundreds of thousands of maimed. And many millions of homeless because of displacement inside and outside the country.


We used to be a nation in which the Arab would share with the Turkman and the Kurd and the Assyrian and the Sabean and the Yazid his daily bread. And the Shiite would pray with the Sunni in one line. And the Muslim would celebrate with the Christian the birthday of Christ, may peace be upon him. And despite the fact that we shared hunger under sanctions for more than 10 years, for more than a decade.


Our patience and our solidarity did not make us forget the oppression. Until we were invaded by the illusion of liberation that some had. (The occupation) divided one brother from another, one neighbor from another, and the son from his uncle. It turned our homes into neverending funeral tents. And our graveyards spread into parks and roadsides. It is a plague. It is the occupation that is killing us, that is violating the houses of worship and the sanctity of our homes and that is throwing thousands daily into makeshift prisons.


I am not a hero, and I admit that. But I have a point of view and I have a stance. It humiliated me to see my country humiliated. And to see my Baghdad burned. And my people being killed. Thousands of tragic pictures remained in my head, and this weighs on me every day and pushes me toward the righteous path, the path of confrontation, the path of rejecting injustice, deceit and duplicity. It deprived me of a good night’s sleep.

Dozens, no, hundreds, of images of massacres that would turn the hair of a newborn white used to bring tears to my eyes and wound me. The scandal of Abu Ghraib. The massacre of Fallujah, Najaf, Haditha, Sadr City, Basra, Diyala, Mosul, Tal Afar, and every inch of our wounded land. In the past years, I traveled through my burning land and saw with my own eyes the pain of the victims, and hear with my own ears the screams of the bereaved and the orphans. And a feeling of shame haunted me like an ugly name because I was powerless.
And as soon as I finished my professional duties in reporting the daily tragedies of the Iraqis, and while I washed away the remains of the debris of the ruined Iraqi houses, or the traces of the blood of victims that stained my clothes, I would clench my teeth and make a pledge to our victims, a pledge of vengeance.


The opportunity came, and I took it.


I took it out of loyalty to every drop of innocent blood that has been shed through the occupation or because of it, every scream of a bereaved mother, every moan of an orphan, the sorrow of a rape victim, the teardrop of an orphan.


I say to those who reproach me: Do you know how many broken homes that shoe that I threw had entered because of the occupation? How many times it had trodden over the blood of innocent victims? And how many times it had entered homes in which free Iraqi women and their sanctity had been violated? Maybe that shoe was the appropriate response when all values were violated.


When I threw the shoe in the face of the criminal, Bush, I wanted to express my rejection of his lies, his occupation of my country, my rejection of his killing my people. My rejection of his plundering the wealth of my country, and destroying its infrastructure. And casting out its sons into a diaspora.

After six years of humiliation, of indignity, of killing and violations of sanctity, and desecration of houses of worship, the killer comes, boasting, bragging about victory and democracy. He came to say goodbye to his victims and wanted flowers in response.


Put simply, that was my flower to the occupier, and to all who are in league with him, whether by spreading lies or taking action, before the occupation or after.


I wanted to defend the honor of my profession and suppressed patriotism on the day the country was violated and its high honor lost. Some say: Why didn’t he ask Bush an embarrassing question at the press conference, to shame him? And now I will answer you, journalists. How can I ask Bush when we were ordered to ask no questions before the press conference began, but only to cover the event. It was prohibited for any person to question Bush.


And in regard to professionalism: The professionalism mourned by some under the auspices of the occupation should not have a voice louder than the voice of patriotism. And if patriotism were to speak out, then professionalism should be allied with it.


I take this opportunity: If I have wronged journalism without intention, because of the professional embarrassment I caused the establishment, I wish to apologize to you for any embarrassment I may have caused those establishments. All that I meant to do was express with a living conscience the feelings of a citizen who sees his homeland desecrated every day.


History mentions many stories where professionalism was also compromised at the hands of American policymakers, whether in the assassination attempt against Fidel Castro by booby-trapping a TV camera that CIA agents posing as journalists from Cuban TV were carrying, or what they did in the Iraqi war by deceiving the general public about what was happening. And there are many other examples that I won’t get into here.
But what I would like to call your attention to is that these suspicious agencies — the American intelligence and its other agencies and those that follow them — will not spare any effort to track me down (because I am) a rebel opposed to their occupation. They will try to kill me or neutralize me, and I call the attention of those who are close to me to the traps that these agencies will set up to capture or kill me in various ways, physically, socially or professionally.


And at the time that the Iraqi prime minister came out on satellite channels to say that he didn’t sleep until he had checked in on my safety, and that I had found a bed and a blanket, even as he spoke I was being tortured with the most horrific methods: electric shocks, getting hit with cables, getting hit with metal rods, and all this in the backyard of the place where the press conference was held. And the conference was still going on and I could hear the voices of the people in it. And maybe they, too, could hear my screams and moans.


In the morning, I was left in the cold of winter, tied up after they soaked me in water at dawn. And I apologize for Mr. Maliki for keeping the truth from the people. I will speak later, giving names of the people who were involved in torturing me, and some of them were high-ranking officials inthe government and in the army.
I didn’t do this so my name would enter history or for material gains. All I wanted was to defend my country, and that is a legitimate cause confirmed by international laws and divine rights. I wanted to defend a country, an ancient civilization that has been desecrated, and I am sure that history — especially in America — will state how the American occupation was able to subjugate Iraq and Iraqis, until its submission.

They will boast about the deceit and the means they used in order to gain their objective. It is not strange, not much different from what happened to the Native Americans at the hands of colonialists. Here I say to them (the occupiers) and to all who follow their steps, and all those who support them and spoke up for their cause: Never.


Because we are a people who would rather die than face humiliation.


And, lastly, I say that I am independent. I am not a member of any political party, something that was said during torture — one time that I’m far-right, another that I’m a leftist. I am independent of any political party, and my future efforts will be in civil service to my people and to any who need it, without waging any political wars, as some said that I would.


My efforts will be toward providing care for widows and orphans, and all those whose lives were damaged by the occupation. I pray for mercy upon the souls of the martyrs who fell in wounded Iraq, and for shame upon those who occupied Iraq and everyone who assisted them in their abominable acts. And I pray for peace upon those who are in their graves, and those who are oppressed with the chains of imprisonment. And peace be upon you who are patient and looking to God for release.


And to my beloved country I say: If the night of injustice is prolonged, it will not stop the rising of a sun and it will be the sun of freedom.


One last word. I say to the government: It is a trust that I carry from my fellow detainees. They said, ‘Muntadhar, if you get out, tell of our plight to the omnipotent powers’ — I know that only God is omnipotent and I pray to Him — ‘remind them that there are dozens, hundreds, of victims rotting in prisons because of an informant’s word.’


They have been there for years, they have not been charged or tried. They’ve only been snatched up from the streets and put into these prisons. And now, in front of you, and in the presence of God, I hope they can hear me or see me. I have now made good on my promise of reminding the government and the officials and the politicians to look into what’s happening inside the prisons. The injustice that’s caused by the delay in the judicial system.


Thank you. And may God’s peace be upon you.

mardi 15 septembre 2009

Le Figaro censure ceux qui dénoncent l'expansionnisme kurde dans le nord de l'Irak



French paper silences those who denounce Kurdish hegemony and expansionism in northern Iraq


LE FIGARO CENSURE CEUX QUI DENONCENT L’HEGEMONIE ET L’EXPANSIONISME KURDE DANS LE NORD DE L’IRAK

My comment to an article published in French newspaper LE FIGARO on 15/09/2009 : « Terrorism prospers on the black gold of Kerkuk » by Laura Marchand (Special envoy to Kerkuk) has been moderated ” for reasons of security and respect of my private life”



Mes commentaires sur l’article de Laure Marchand : « Sur l’or noir de Kirkouk, le terrorisme prospère » publié dans le Figaro le 15/09/2009 ont été rejetés :
Votre message et/ou contenus/contenu a été modéré “pour des raisons de sécurité et de respect de votre vie privée”


This is a pretext to silence the voices who oppose Kurdish hegemony and expansionism in the north of Iraq I CALL THIS CENSORSHIP

Ceci n'est qu'un prétexte pour censurer ceux qui dénoncent l'expansionnisme kurde dans le nord de l'Irak.

Hereunder are the comments I sent to Le Figaro re Laure Marchand’s (special envoy to Kerkuk) article:
« Sur l’or noir de Kirkouk, le terrorisme prospère »
« Terrorism prospers on the black gold of Kerkuk »
Ci-dessous les commentaires que j’avais envoyés au Figaro:

Historiquement Kirkouk n’a jamais été kurde.

Les partis kurdes de MM Talabani et Barzani ne cessent de clamer que : « Kirkouk est la Jérusalem des Kurdes » ceci est FAUX : historiquement Kirkouk n’a JAMAIS été kurde et les habitants turkmènes, arabes et assyriens de Kirkouk refusent l’hégémonie kurde et s’opposent à l’annexion de Kirkouk à la région autonome kurde.

L'expansionnisme kurde représente un réel danger pour la paix en Irak, avec leurs milices armées, les peshmergas, les Kurdes occupent (depuis l’invasion/occupation américaine de l’Irak en 2003) la région turkmène « Turkmeneli» dont Kirkouk est le centre culturel, la région chaldéo-assyriennes « Plaine de Ninewah » et les régions shabaks et yézidies dans le nord du pays.

Ce qu’il faut rappeler :

Les partis kurdes ont modifié la composition démographique de Kirkouk en vue du recensement.

Les partis kurdes de MM Talabani et Barzani ont organisé le transport de quelques 600.000 Kurdes de la région autonome kurde et leur installation dans la province de Kirkouk depuis que Kirkouk est tombé aux mains de leurs milices, les peshmerga, avec la bénédiction des américains le 10 avril 2003.

Ces nouveaux venus à Kirkouk ont reçu de l’aide financière pour venir s’y installer et les autorités kurdes leur ont fourni des cartes d’identités et des documents falsifiés les faisant passer comme Kurdes originaires de Kirkouk, soi-disant expulsés par le régime de Saddam Hussein. Ceci est un mensonge, étant donné que les registres officiels montrent que durant le régime de Saddam moins de 12.000 habitants de Kirkouk ont été expulsés et parmi ceux-ci les Turkmènes représentaient plus de la moitié. Ce qui signifie que moins de 6.000 Kurdes ont été expulsés de Kirkouk par le régime Baath.
Ces tromperies de la part des Kurdes, les falsifications des registres officiels, la délivrance de fausses cartes d’identité aux Kurdes ont été rendues possibles par le fait que les milices kurdes avaient pillé les bureaux de la population et d’enregistrement des biens fonciers de Kirkouk et confisqué les registres et les archives dès le premier jour de leur arrivée à Kerkuk le 10 avril 2003.
Voir : http://merryabla64.wordpress.com/les-turkmenes-irakiens/

Pour rappel :
La communauté irakienne en Suède dénonce les agissements anormaux de l’Ambassadeur irakien à Stockholm, un kurde, qui continue de délivrer des passeports irakiens à des étrangers, principalement à des Kurdes originaires d’Iran, de Syrie et de Turquie.
Voir :
http://turkmenfriendship.blogspot.com/2008/01/representatives-of-iraqi-community-in.html

Il est à signaler que les Turkmènes et les Arabes s’opposent au déploiement d’une force composée de soldats américains et de peshmergas kurdes dans les territoires soi-disant ‘disputés’ comme le propose le général américain Odierno.

"Des dizaines, voire des centaines, d’enfants nés depuis le mois de décembre ont été prénommés Mountazar"


par Ahmet Haşim *

"Des dizaines, voire des centaines, d’enfants nés depuis le mois de décembre ont été prénommés Mountazar"


Ahmet Haşim, est un journaliste turkmène. Il est installé à Kirkouk, dans le nord de l’Irak.
http://observers.france24.com/fr/profile/20090514-ahmet-hasim


Pour les Turkmènes, le geste de Mountazar al-Zaïdi a été un événement heureux. Tout le monde en a parlé ici. Les Turkmènes sont de vrais patriotes et jugent son acte héroïque. Nous le considérons comme un modèle pour tous les jeunes Irakiens.


Des dizaines, voire des centaines, d’enfants nés depuis le mois de décembre ont été prénommés Mountazar en hommage à son geste. L’un de mes amis n’a pas hésité à baptiser ainsi son premier enfant. Ce n'est pas rien, quand l’on connaît l’importance du nom donné à l’aîné dans notre culture... De nombreux jeunes de ma région voudraient se rendre à Bagdad pour l’accueillir à sa sortie de prison [ndlr, Al-Zaïdi est détenu sur la base militaire de Muthanna, située dans l’ouest de Bagdad], mais ils ont peur en raison de l’insécurité qui règne dans la capitale."

lundi 14 septembre 2009

KERKUK: Turkmens call for the formation of their own local law enforcement units





Turkmens in Kerkuk demonstrated on Saturday to reject the American proposal to deploy joint U.S. and peshmerga forces in the so-called ‘disputed areas’.



The demonstrators called for the formation of an armed force to protect the Turkmen region.


Independent Commission on Turkey

Independent Commission on Turkey
7 September 2009


Turkey in Europe: Breaking the Vicious Circle, the second report of the Independent Commission on Turkey, analyzes the key developments in EU-Turkey relations and puts forward concrete steps necessary to revive negotiations.

The Independent Commission on Turkey is convinced of the huge benefits of Turkish convergence with Europe and an eventual EU membership of a transformed Turkey, both for the country itself and the European Union. Despite a promising start to negotiations in 2004, the process has developed a vicious circle: continued negative comments by European political leaders, combined with growing public hesitation about further EU enlargement, have deepened resentment in Turkey and slowed the necessary reforms.

The report argues that this vicious circle must urgently be broken, in the interest of both Turkey and the EU. European governments must honor their commitments and treat Turkey with fairness and the respect it deserves. On its side, Turkey has to re-engage in a dynamic, broad-based reform process, thus confirming that it is willing and serious in its ambition to join the EU.

View the corresponding press release, read report chapter highlights, or read more information on the topic.
Download Turkey in Europe: Breaking the Vicious Circle (PDF, 826K)
The report is also available in the following languages:
French (PDF, 814K)
German (PDF, 825K)
Italian (PDF, 811K)

Spanish (PDF, 803K)
-->

Members of the Independent Commission

Martti Ahtisaari
Former President of Finland

Anthony Giddens
Former Director of the London School of Economics and Political Science

Kurt Biedenkopf
Former Prime Minister of Saxony, Germany

Marcelino Oreja Aguirre
Former Foreign Minister of Spain, former Secretary General of the Council of Europe, former European Commissioner

Emma Bonino
Former European Commissioner, Member of the European Parliament

Michel Rocard
Former Prime Minister of France, Member of the European Parliament

Hans van den Broek
Former Foreign Minister of Netherlands, former European Commissioner

Albert Rohan
Former Secretary General of Foreign Affairs, Austria

Bronislaw Geremek (In Memoriam)
Former Foreign Minister of Poland, Member of the European Parliament


View all member biographies.

Friends of Turkey by Joost Lagendijk

Friends of Turkey
Sunday, September 13, 2009

JOOST LAGENDİJK

http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/n.php?n=friends-of-turkey-2009-09-13


There is always this moment during debates on Turkey-EU relations. After exchanging opinions and discussing different scenarios, a Turkish participant takes the floor and sighs heavily.
“I admire your optimism Mr. Lagendijk, but most Europeans do not share your views. You know, we know, in the end the Europeans don’t want us.”

It is the modern version of the famous phrase reflecting the self-image of Turks for centuries: “Turkey has no friends.”

Here is the news: Turkey has friends in Europe and they are very active in promoting Turkey’s membership of the EU. Their names: Martti Ahtisaari, Nobel Peace Prize Laureate 2008; Michel Rocard, former Prime Minister of France; Anthony Giddens, one of the leading global intellectuals. Plus several former European commissioners and foreign ministers. They call themselves the Independent Commission on Turkey. This week they published a report called “Turkey in Europe: Breaking the vicious circle.” Members of the commission toured several capitals to make Turkey’s case. Acting as ambassadors for Turkey on a voluntary basis.

I would really like to recommend all skeptical Turks to read this report (also in Turkish on www.independentcommissiononturkey.org). It touches on many of the issues that always pop up in reports on Turkey and the EU. But compared to the reports of the European Commission there are important differences.

Being out of office Ahtisaari and his colleagues can be much more outspoken on some of the hot topics. Let me give you some examples. They do not think the secular system in Turkey is in danger. Although they criticize AKP leaders for not being sensitive enough to legitimate anxieties of secularist they clearly state their conviction that secularism is a well-founded pillar of the Republic that only a small minority in Turkey would like to remove.

The European Friends of Turkey strongly support normalization of relations between Turkey and Armenia. At the same time they also speak out clearly against so-called “genocide recognition resolutions” in national parliaments calling them counter-productive. They are very positive on the efforts of Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davatoglu to eliminate all problems with Turkey’s neighbors. Together with further democratic reforms, the report states, “The example of its (Turkey’s) transformation has acted to project the soft power of core EU values eastward.” I can’t remember having read such outspoken support for the idea that Turkey would be a great asset to the EU.

The main difference with the reports coming from the EU institutions though is the harsh criticism in the first chapter of the report on some EU member states and their handling of the accession negotiations. Let me quote a key sentence: “Undermining these talks in advance by substituting alternative arrangements for the goal of membership constitutes a breach of faith with Turkey, stokes up a nationalist backlash in the country and creates the wider impression that the EU has discriminatory double standards when dealing with a Muslim country.”

These are the words of some of Europe’s best-connected and therefore most influential politicians. Yes, it is true, they are no longer in power. But their message got huge media coverage and, believe me, does have an impact on the debate on Turkey in Europe.

In Turkey, media and politicians tend to focus on antagonistic messages from Europe and to disregard the considerable support for Turkey’s EU membership in many European countries. I hope this report will convince Turks that they have powerful friends in Europe too.

* Mr. Joost Lagendijk is a columnist for the daily Radikal and a senior advisor for the Istanbul Policy Center.

dimanche 13 septembre 2009

Kerkük`te Türkmenler, kente karma güç yerleştirilmesi önerisini protesto etti








Kerkük`te Türkmenler, kente karma güç yerleştirilmesi önerisini protesto etti
13 Eylül 2009



Irak`ın kuzeyindeki Kerkük kentinde yaşayan Türkmenler, Irak`taki ABD güçlerinin komutanı General Ray Odierno`nun kente karma bir güvenlik gücü yerleştirilmesi önerisini protesto etti. Bağdat yolu üzerinde bulunan Irak Türkmen Cephesi(ITC) binasının önünde toplanan Türkmenler, Odierno`nun Kerkük`e Amerikan, Iraklı ve Peşmerge birliklerinden oluşan karma bir güç yerleştirme önerisine tepkilerini gösterdiler. Türkmenler ayrıca Kerkük`te bir Türkmen gücü kurulmasına yönelik taleplerini de yineledi. Türkmenler, bu Türkmen gücünün ise Irak merkezi hükümetine bağlı olmasını istediklerini belirtti.www.kerkukfeneri.com


ITC binası önünde bir konuşma yapan ITC Kerkük İl Başkanı Ersed El Salihi, bölgede Haziran ayından bu yana devam eden şiddet olaylarında 550 Türkmen vatandaşının hayatını kaybettiğine dikkat çekti. Saldırılarda zarar gören yerlerin de şimdiye kadar onarılmadığını vurgulayan Salihi, saldırıların hâlâ devam etmekte olduğunu belirtti. Merkezî hükümet tarafından Türkmenlere has ve Türkmenlerden oluşan bir güç kurulmasını istediklerini belirten ITC yetkilisi, Odierno`nun önerisini de reddettiklerini vurguladı.



Daha önce de Kerküklü Araplar, Kerkük`e Amerikan, Iraklı ve Peşmerge güçlerinden oluşan bir karma güvenlik gücü yerleştirilmesini istemediklerini açıklamışlardı. Kerkük`e bağlı Hevice`de geniş bir protesto gösterisi düzenlenirken, Kerkük İl Meclisi`nin Arap üyeleri de meclisten geri çekildiklerini ilan etmişlerdi. Arap meclis üyeleri, teklif geri çekilmediği müddetçe de İl Meclisi`deki oturumlara ve toplantılara katılmayacaklarını duyurmuştu.Bugünkü gösteriye katılan Kerküklü Türkmenler de söz konusu teklife tepkilerini dile getirdiler. Huda Şemsettin adlı Türkmen kadın, `Biz buraya yabancıların gelmesini istemiyoruz. Burada bizim de gücümüz var, ne ABD`yi ne de Peşmergeyi kabul ederiz.` dedi.


Zeynep adlı bir başka Türkmen kadın ise güvenliğin merkezi hükümet tarafından sağlanmasını istediğini dile getirdi. Türkmen kadın, `Eğer buraya Peşmerge gelirse kendisi için çalışacak. Ters bir uygulamada iç savaş çıkar` tehdidinde bulundu.Kerim Kayacı adlı bir Türkmen vatandaş da benzer bir talepte bulunarak, Irak Başbakanı Nuri El Maliki`den Türkmenlere has bir güvenlik gücü oluşturmasını istedi.