vendredi 16 novembre 2012

Kazancı attended the anniversary reception held to celebrate the establishment of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC)




Iraqi Turkmen Front (ITF) Turkey Representative Dr. Hicran Kazancı attended the reception held to celebrate the 29th anniversary of the establishment of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC).

The reception hosted by TRNC Ambassador his Excellency Mustafa Lakadamyalı and his wife at the Swissotel was attended by Deputy Prime Minister Bülent Arınç, Parliamentary Deputy Speaker Sadık Yakut, Commander of Air Forces Full General Mehmet Erten, Commander of the Navy Full Admiral Murat Bilgel, Commander of Training and Doctrine Full General Servet Yörük, Head of Felicity Party Mustafa Kamalak, Deputy Head of JD Party Salih Kapusuz, Deputy Head of NMP Tuğrul Türkeş, members of parliament as well as Rahşan Ecevit, the wife of the deceased Prime Minister Bülent Ecevit. A group of folkdancers performed at the reception and Arınç and Lakadamyalı cut the celebratory cake together.



mercredi 14 novembre 2012

Car bomb blasts kill at least 14 across Iraq




The holy month of Muharram is of special significance to Shi'ite Muslims, who are a prime target of al Qaeda's Iraqi affiliate and other Sunni Islamist insurgents seeking to re-ignite the kind of sectarian violence that gripped the country in 2006-2007.

The deadliest explosion took place in the disputed and ethnically-mixed city of Kirkuk, 250 km (155 miles) north of the capital Baghdad, where four bombs planted in parked cars went off simultaneously, killing nine people and wounding 30, police said.
 See: 

mardi 13 novembre 2012

Why it is Tony Blair and not me who should be in the dock on 16 November



25 October 2012
David Lawley-Wakelin


David Lawley-Wakelin has been charged under the public order act 1986 for using threatening abusive or insulting words or behavior that may have caused someone harassment, alarm or distress.


By David Lawley-Wakelin
Stop the War Coalition
25 October 2012



David Lawley-Wakelin bursts into Leveson Inquiry as Tony Blair is giving evidence: "Excuse me, this man should be arrested for war crimes."



David Lawley-Wakelin is led by police from the Leveson Inquiry after his attempt to arrest Tony Blair.
Wrong Man in the Dock protest
Friday 16 November 9am
Highgate Court House, Bishops Road
London N6 4HS
Map...

On 27 May 2012, anti-war protester David Lawley-Wakelin interrupted Tony Blair, as he was giving evidence at Leveson Inquiry into the British press and the phone-hacking scandal, shouting, "Excuse me, this man should be arrested for war crimes." Lord Leveson duly apologised to the war criminal and truth-teller Lawley-Wakelin was taken away by the police.
He has now been charged under the Public Order Act 1986 for using threatening abusive or insulting words or behavior that may have caused someone harassment alarm or distress.

Unlike Tony Blair, who has not been charged with anything, despite conspiring with George W Bush in waging an illegal war against Iraq, which killed hundreds of thousands of civilians, drove four million from their homes, and devastated the country.
Instead of being held to account for his lies to parliament and the British public, Blair has been free to accumulate huge wealth -- estimated at over £60 million -- often by exploiting the contacts he made in the war on Iraq.

David Lawley-Wakelin will appear in court on 16 November.

Why it is Tony Blair and not me who should be in the dock
By David Lawley-Wakelin

My Mother and Father fought for this country in the 2nd world war seeing off the imperialist evil that was Hitler and the Nazis. My father was in the Normandy landings whilst my mother witnessed the blitz finding herself evacuated from her home.

When I was just three months old they adopted me bringing me up in a very stable loving home. After all they did for me and being a British citizen of this country my conscience will not just allow me to stand by whilst our nation's good name has been criminally disgraced.
As a nation we are being asked to turn a blind eye to what millions of us believe: that former prime minister Tony Blair, in a conspiracy with George W Bush, deceived us into a corrupt and illegal Iraq war that took the lives of over half a million people. Since he left office he has has accumulated tune over £60 million on the back of his lies.

Ministers may well be dishonest about their expense claims, they may well be dishonest about their dealings with the press, but if there is one thing a Prime minister must be absolutely honest about then surely its his country's decision to go to war, as that is obviously the one decision that might just involve the loss of somebody else's life.

The lies that Blair told have been highlighted time an time again. In his dodgy dossier, Blair said it was beyond doubt that Saddam Hussein had WMD which could be ready within 45 minutes. There was no evidence for this claim.
Alistair Campbell persistently denied that the dodgy dossier was 'sexed up', when he had in fact demanded fifteen changes to one draft,
The intelligence services were telling Blair that the intelligence on Saddam's weapons was ' limited', yet two weeks later he was telling the House of Commons that it was 'extensive detailed and authoritative'.

Why did Blair not accept the original advice of the then Attorney General, Lord Goldsmith, that the war was illegal? Major Tim Cross and Claire Short had told Blair that the plans for post war Iraq were inadequate and that the war should be delayed. Blair ignored them.
Knowing that Iraq was crippled from 10 years of sanctions, George W Bush and Tony Blair believed the war would be over in months. No one would then care or notice, five years later, the business deals that were to follow. Blair predicted that after he left office it would all be old news, swept under the carpet. However just six months after he left office, and while the war was still raging with hundreds of lives being lost every week, he was already starting to sign deals.

The world is now perilously close to another war in the Middle East. I believe if we could bring Bush and Blair to trial for their war crimes, there will be an enormous shake up in the world which could prevent future imperialist wars.

The Public Order Act 1986 -- under which I have been charged with causing "distress" to the war criminal Blair -- states that in my defense I need to demonstrate that my conduct was reasonable. I will of course be pleading not guilty, which will enable me to make a statement and call witnesses. I am asking anyone who attended the Levison Inquiry when I made my protest, and is prepared to be called as a witness in my defence, to call me on 07976 281 311 or email davidlawleyw@gmail.com
This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it
When I appear in court on Friday 16 November, please come and support me, if you can -- from the public gallery or outside as part of the Wrong man in the Dock protest, 9am, Highgate Court House, Bishops Road, London N6 4HS.


dimanche 11 novembre 2012

Iraq’s Christians Key to Iraq’s Past, Future




Iraqi Christians attend an Easter Mass at Chaldean Catholic church in Amman, 
April 15, 2012. Thousands of Iraqi Christians fled to neighboring Jordan 
following a spate of bombings that targeted churches in Iraqi cities in the
past few years. (photo by REUTERS/Ali Jarekji)

By: Nassif al-Jabouri. Translated from Azzaman (Iraq).

Everyone knows that Iraqi Christians, along with other groups, make up the essence and roots of Iraq that extend deep into history. They established this country, lived in it and enjoyed its wealth. They witnessed both good times and hardships since the devastating eras until the United States occupation in 2003.

On another note, the former regime, which lasted from 1979 to 2003, enjoyed wars and taking risks. Saddam Hussein’s regime dragged the country into a dark tunnel since 1980, a year that witnessed the start of the eight-year war with Iran and was followed by the 1990 invasion of Kuwait.

The war on Kuwait led to the international coalition war against Iraq in 1991, and as a result both the United States and the former regime decided to impose an unjust siege on the country.

The Iraqi people, including the Christians, were forced to pay the high price of hunger, disease and death while the world’s conscience took a vacation.
The greatest catastrophe befell the Iraqi people in 2003 when the US and Britain invaded Mesopotamia. The barbaric US invasion of Iraq in 2003 had violated all sanctity by destroying the nation and killing its people. US bombs, which are banned under international law, targeted all Iraqis and did not discriminate between Muslims and Christians. Furthermore, the sectarian war that rose after the occupation of Iraq targeted everyone, including Christians mainly in Baghdad and Mosul. 

According to 2005 statistics, Christians comprise about 2% of the total population of Iraq, which amounts to 33 million. For a long time, they have been residing in major cities, such as Baghdad, Basra, Mosul, Kirkuk, Irbil, Al-Halla, and others.

The tragedies of Iraqi Muslims and Christians started to further unfold in 2003 with the arrival of the US invasion army that destroyed the structural system of the nation. It created a new regime that it would never desire for itself, characterized by political, economic and military systems from the Middle Ages, present amid a system of rule dominated by the influence of sects and ethnicities.

This regime — or, rather, the absence of a regime — has created massive security vacuum that paved the way for the outbreak of chaos in the country. This was followed by the drafting of a distorted constitution that led to dividing the Iraqi people into three groups based on ethnic and sectarian affiliations, while leaving the fate of other key social components —  namely Christians, Turkmens, the Sabeans and others — up in the air.

The devastation of the Iraqi economy by the US war machine resulted in failed industrial and agricultural sectors, which were looted by gangs supported by the invading forces. What added insult to injury was the decision made by the US ruler in Baghdad, Paul Bremer, to dissolve the Iraqi army. 

His decision was supported by Iraqi politicians who supported the US occupation. The dissolution of the army created so much chaos and allowed the emergence and revival of militias, extremists and organized criminal gangs. It also led to the formation of incompetent police services and army.
The aforementioned catastrophic transformations turned the situation into total chaos. National laws were completely abandoned by the occupation. The love for the nation had been devastated by the former regime while the occupation army pounded the last nail in its coffin. The law of the jungle was governing Iraq, in which those who supported America, and the parties and militias that were working for its troops, were freely wreaking havoc in Iraq.

Back then, the absence of laws paved the way for a civil war. Following this heinous war that took place between 2006 and 2008, Iraqi society was torn into pieces as many innocent civilians were killed. The aftermath of this war allowed the spread of organized crime and kidnap operations targeting Shiites and Sunnis. Those kidnap operations also targeted weak minorities, such as the Christians, Turkmens, Sabeans, Yezidis and others, who lacked power to defend themselves.
Obviously, churches, as well as mosques and Hussainiyat [Shiite funeral homes] were targeted by the arbitrary terrorist operations that did not discriminate between religions, or between innocent and guilty individuals. The Christian community could not exercise their religious rituals that are accepted in principle by the Holy Quran and the followers of Prophet Mohammad, peace and prayers be upon him.

As a result, many churches closed their doors to the public and only a few remained; those that did resembled military bases due to the tight security amid threats of acts of terrorism.

Fear became the dominant force in society, which united Christians and their Muslim brothers. Unfortunately, local media outlets along with the politicians increased tensions in society.

On the other hand, the militias, some parties and the organized criminal gangs were concerned with collecting illegal money. They were kidnapping, killing or imprisoning individuals and then blackmailing the families of victims to pay thousands of dollars in return — regardless of the identity of the persons. Christians paid the price dearly due to this dirty business.

Gangs and those affiliated with them were widely targeting the Christian community, for it did not have a militia or an army defending it and solely relied on the government to protect it, at a time when the government was incapable of even protecting itself.

For example, the gangs and militias used political intimidation and terrorism against the Christians residing in Al-Dawrah city, one of the suburbs of Baghdad, by threatening to blow up their houses if they do not promptly abandon them. These families were forced to sell their houses at the cheapest prices to the gangs and militias that had threatened them. Then, these criminals sold the same houses for ridiculously high prices allowing them to gain illegal money after usurping the property of others.
This disgusting business was widely practiced in Al-Karradah, Karadat Mariam and other Iraqi cities.

Attempts aimed at ridding Iraq of its original Christian population by local forces and some European countries would never solve the problem, on the contrary, it will aggravate it. They will also deepen sectarianism and intolerance, allowing racists, militias, criminal gangs and the corrupt to sabotage the country and impose the law of force, instead of enforcing the rule of law.

According to Louis Sako, the Archbishop of Kirkuk, foreign countries, including neighboring ones, should leave Iraq alone without interfering in its internal affairs. He adds if they want to help Iraq they should help all Iraqis without discrimination between sects and religions. He says further it is necessary that we isolate religions from the political polarization and protect them from being used by the politicians to achieve their selfish goals. 

We will be capable of succeeding if Christians and Muslims join ranks. 

Archbishop Sako discussed the struggle over power, money and government positions between the Sunnis and Shiites and between the Arabs and Kurds that led to booby-trapped cars, suicide attacks and blind terrorist operations. He then wondered why forces entrenched the Christian community in their struggle especially since they were not competing with anyone over power and did not have militias carrying out kidnap operations and looting money. Sako went on to say the Christian community is not threatening anyone and seeks to live in peace and harmony.

From a political point of view, it is important for those who have a vision for Iraq to realize that Christians cannot be considered minorities, especially since these are people who love this country and would do anything to defend it. Political majority and minority have nothing to do with religion, sect, ethnicity or gender. 

This is because politics is established and led by civil parties united or divided due to a certain political, economic and social programs, and then are chosen by the people to be in the majority or the minority with disregard to gender or sect — namely Shiite, Sunni, Christian, Sabean — or ethnicity — namely Arab, Kurd and Turkmen.
In conclusion, history showed that a group of Iraqi Muslim leaders heading secular and Islamist parties have been paving the way for the US occupiers since the 1990s to invade their country and then stood behind their tanks. Also, history showed us that there is not a single Christian leader who collaborated with the US occupiers or aided them in their criminal mission to tear down the country.

About this Article

Summary:
The author describes the role of Iraqi Christians in Iraq’s history, the persecution of the community under Saddam Hussein and by Islamist gangs, and the need for Christians to play a role in Iraq’s future.
Publisher: Azzaman (Iraq) 
Original Title:
Iraq’s Christians
Author: Nassif al-Jabouri 
Published on: Tue, Nov 6, 2012
Translated on: Sat, Nov 10, 2012
Translated by: Nola Abboud


vendredi 9 novembre 2012

Iraq: The incredible shrinking of Iraqiya party


Opposition? what opposition? the incredible shrinking iraqiya party



Since it lost the race to power in 2010, major opposition bloc Iraqiya has been shrinking, with defections and internal dissent. Now two leading members want to team with Iraqiya’s enemy, State of Law, for elections in 2013.

Once it was the biggest alliance in the Iraqi Parliament – larger even than the political alliance that currently runs the country. But over the past two years the Iraqiya list has shrunk; and it seems to be becoming smaller and smaller by the day. 

After the 2010 elections, the Iraqiya list, which is made up of several different political parties, had won just under a quarter of the votes cast and 91 seats in the Iraqi parliament.  

But these days it seems unlikely that the Iraqiya list, riven by infighting and crippled by break away parties, will ever do as well as they did back then. Even Iraqiya’s official website seems paralysed – it hasn’t been updated since the beginning of the year and pundits suggest this is because the four major leaders within Iraqiya all have different opinions and cannot publish a unified agenda.

Iraqiya says it is a secular political party but it is true that it is mostly made up of Sunni Muslims – even though its leader, Ayed Allawi is a secular Shiite Muslim. The bloc is made of four main groups, which first joined forces to compete in the 2010 elections: these are the Wifaq party (or the Iraqi National Accord) led by Ayed Allawi, the Renewal party (or Tajdeed) founded by now-fugitive politician Tariq al-Hashimi, the Iraqiyoun party headed by Osama al-Nujaifi, who’s also the speaker of Parliament and the National Movement for Development and Reform, most often known as the al-Hal, or Solution, party.

Altogether these parties won a majority of seats after the 2010 elections but they were not able to form a majority coalition before al-Maliki, head of Iraqiya’s major opposition, the State of Law bloc.

Al-Maliki managed to persuade 159 MPs into his Shiite-Muslim-majority bloc and became Prime Minister. The Iraqiya list – whose head, Allawi, had been Prime Minister previously – disagreed with that move and it took months of negotiations before a new government was finally able to be sworn in, in November 2010.

The negotiations concluded with various power sharing agreements but none of that stopped the wrangling – in part, because some aspects of the power sharing agreements were not implemented. And those ongoing conflicts between the State of Law bloc and Iraqiya have had negative consequences for the latter. In particularly, it has seen the Iraqiya bloc split and members depart. Those departures continue to this day.

The Iraqiya bloc has a lot of problem,” one MP who left, Jama al-Batikh, told NIQASH. “It’s dominated by a handful of leaders while thousands of party members are left on the sidelines, their opinions ignored. The Iraqiya list really has no clear ideology or policies,” complained al-Batikh, who now heads a breakaway group called White Iraqiya. “It opposes the government – yet at the same time, it participates. It makes no sense.”

Al-Batikh was one of the first group of MPs to quit the Iraqiya bloc in March 2011. Eight MPs said they were not happy with the way in which certain Iraqiya members monopolised power at the top and they named their new group White Iraqiya – it’s now mostly known as the White party and is headed by MP Hassan al-Alawi.

Then in April, there were more defections with another five MPs leaving Iraqiya to form a new party they called Free Iraqiya.

And meanwhile groups like the one led by al-Hashemi – the country’s Vice-President who was sentenced to death after being accused of terrorism and who remains in hiding outside of Iraq – have been split by opinions on what to do about their former leader. Some have supported al-Hashemi and others have not.

In fact some observers speculate that the Iraqiya bloc’s internal crisis has been caused by the idealistic way in which Allawi has managed the party ever since the crisis around the formation of the government in 2010. In comparison, observers say that al-Maliki has behaved in a more non-partisan and practical way.

All of these issues have seen Allawi’s leadership undermined. And at the same time, Iraqiya’s major opposition party – the State of Law bloc led by al-Maliki – has welcomed the defectors. The defectors have tended to vote with whomever they support on any particular issue – this has included voting against Iraqiya-supported efforts to remove al-Maliki from power.

“These days Allawi certainly doesn’t represent all of Iraqiya,” a leading member of the State of Law bloc, Mohammed Sayhoud, suggested to NIQASH. “In fact, he is the cause of most of the defections and splits.”

It is true that within the party, there are also still divisions –particularly among some of the leading members. This includes Osama al-Nujaifi and one of Iraq’s three deputy prime ministers, Saleh al-Mutlaq, who heads another of the parties that make up the Iraqiya bloc. “They may not always agree with decisions made by Allawi but they have opted to remain with the bloc,” Sayhoud noted.

In fact, some observers say that al-Nujaifi has become the “real” leader of the Iraqiya bloc behind the scenes. At first al-Nujaifi had supported the attempts to oust al-Maliki from power – the Iraqiya bloc was staunchly behind those attempts as were other blocs, including ones from inside the State of Law bloc (which indicates the Iraqiya bloc is not alone in battling internal divisions).

Al-Mutlaq was also behind the challengers, accusing al-Maliki of having dictatorial qualities and even leaving his job as Deputy Prime Minister.

However more recently both al-Nujaifi and al-Mutlaq appear to have reconciled with al-Maliki with al-Nujaifi seen to hold three meetings with al-Maliki in as many weeks and al-Mutlaq returning to his deputy duties.  Al-Maliki withdrew his request to Parliament to have al-Mutlaq fired.

As all this has gone on, neither al-Nujaifi nor al-Mutlaq have chosen to leave the Iraqiya bloc. Although it would be clear to both of them that Iraqiya bloc leader Allawi wouldn’t be all that pleased with their increasingly close ties to al-Maliki. Some would say that Allawi considers al-Maliki his worst enemy and that he even blames al-Maliki for making rifts within Iraqiya worse.

And while Allawi has never expressed too much concern about the White Iraqiya and Free Iraqiya parties splitting off, the fact that two of his bloc’s most senior members appear to be negotiating with the opposition must cause him some worries – especially because this is happening in the run up to Iraq’s next provincial elections, slated to happen early next year.

For example, only a few days ago one leading MP from the State of Law bloc, Sami al-Askari, mentioned that his coalition was discussing the prospect of forming an alliance with al-Mutlaq and al-Nujaifi in preparation for the elections planned for April 2103.

Despite all this though, many other members of Iraqiya are standing strong. “The attempts by some blocs to cause rifts in the Iraqiya List will not succeed,” Itab al-Douri, a member of the Iraqiya bloc who was once considered a potential Minister of Defence, told NIQASH. Loyal Iraqiya members like al-Douri insist that the bloc will contest the provincial elections together, vigorously and with enthusiasm.

mercredi 7 novembre 2012

Iraqi Turkmen lobby to get provincial status for two districts



4 November 2012 / AYDIN ALBAYRAK, ANKARA

Iraqi Turkmen, who found themselves in a disadvantaged position in the days following the US occupation of Iraq, have been lobbying to raise the status of two Turkmen districts to provincial status in order to correct what they believe is an imbalance of rights in the country.

About two weeks ago, representatives of Iraqi Turkmen submitted to Iraqi President Jalal Talabani a proposal that the districts of Tal Afar and Tuz Khurmatu be granted provincial status. And according to the Al-Hayat daily, published in Arabic in England, Talabani has expressed a positive attitude towards the Turkmens’ proposal.

But analysts don’t believe Tal Afar and Tuz Khurmatu stand a good chance of receiving provincial status. According to Bilgay Duman, a Middle East analyst from the Ankara-based Center for Middle Eastern Strategic Studies (ORSAM) who believes Talabani’s positive attitude towards the Turkmen proposal may be more of a domestic policy maneuver, says this may be seen as part of efforts on the part of Kurds to bring Turkmens closer to Kurds, and against the Arabs. “For one thing, Talabani is not endowed with the authority to put this demand into practice,” he told Sunday’s Zaman.

Even in Kirkuk, which is historically known as a Turkmen city, Iraqi Turkmens constitute only the third largest community, coming in after Kurds and Arabs, after a couple of hundred thousand Kurds migrated to the city following the US occupation; and Tal Afar and Tuz Khurmatu are the only cities in Iraq where Turkmen people are the majority. In Tal Afar, Turkmens are believed to constitute about 90 percent of the population, while in Tuz Khurmatu about half the population.

In contrast to other constituent communities, such as Arabs and Kurds, in Iraq, there are no provinces governed by Iraqi Turkmens. So, should the proposal ever be adopted officially, which seems to be a slim possibility given the fragile political balances in the country, that would considerably strengthen the position of Iraqi Turkmens, as the provinces are entitled to get representation in the legislative body and more funding from the central government.

Najaf and Dohuk, two Iraqi towns that have a population of 150,000 each, were in past years granted provincial status. Therefore, theoretically, it looks just as possible that Tal Afar, which is the biggest district in Iraq with a population of about 400,000, and Tuz Khurmatu with a population of 150,000 may be granted provincial status
.
But realistically, chances look slim, because it also means changing political balances in a fragile Iraq. Tal Afar, which is a district in the province of Mosul, an Arab majority province in the north of the country, is a source of conflict between the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) and the central Iraqi government. Both demand that the town, which is a passage point bordering both Turkey and Syria, while dividing the densely Kurdish-populated areas in the north of the country, should be placed under its own administration. Tal Afar is also important for the Shiite-dominated central government given that half the Turkmen in the city belong to the Shiite sect of Islam.

Tuz Khurmatu’s position is no different; it is also a passage point between Baghdad and oil-rich Kirkuk, the administrative status of which is yet to be determined. This area has also caused much heated debate in the country. Mahir Nakip, an Iraqi Turkmen from Kirkuk who has been living in Turkey for a long time and is the spokesperson of the İstanbul-based Kirkuk Foundation, also believes the adoption of the Turkmens’ proposal, which may be appealing for Iraqi Turkmens, would upset balances in Iraq. “Sunni Arabs would oppose it in the first place,” he told Sunday’s Zaman, noting that Mosul province, having already lost two of its districts to Kurds in past years, would then remain as a little Sunni Arab-majority province. Nakip believes Kurds would also oppose such a possibility. With other groups in Iraq opposing it, the proposal does not have much of a chance to be put into practice.

In recent months, attacks against Turkmens have increased. The deputy head of the Iraqi Turkmen Front (ITF), Ali Haşim Muhtaroğlu, was targeted in a failed bomb attack last week. The attack in which Muhtaroğlu, who is also an assembly member of Salahaddin province, of which Tuz Khurmatu is a part, was not wounded is believed to have been aimed at intimidating Turkmen people.Iraqi Turkmens’ position got comparatively better, though not in substance, when the Iraqi parliament approved in July the recommendations of a report, bestowing on them the status of the third largest ethnic group in the country. After the American occupation began in 2003, Turkmens were victimized, facing discrimination in Iraq as the Turkish Parliament rejected a motion allowing US land forces to enter Iraqi territory by way of Turkey in the days leading up to the occupation.

The Turkmen people in Iraq are estimated to make up nearly 10 percent of the population, but they were not considered to be one of the constituent elements of the Iraqi state together with the Arabs and the Kurds, and thus have been underrepresented in politics and government offices. And after the occupation in provinces such as Kirkuk, Arabs, in accordance with a policy of Arabization that was in effect before the occupation, and Kurds, were allowed to seize pieces of land that officially belonged to the Turkmen people.

dimanche 4 novembre 2012

NEFTÇİ AND KAFİLİ VISITED ITF TURKEY REPRESENTATION


nOVEMBER 3, 2012






Member of Iraqi Parliament Foreign Affairs Commission and Iraqi Turkmen Front (ITF) Kirkuk MP Jale Neftçi and Head of Kirkuk District Assembly and Head of ITF Election Department Münir Kâfili who are in Turkey visited ITF Turkey Representation.
The general situation of the developments in Iraq and the situation in Kirkuk in particular were the topics of the meeting which took place in the office of ITF Turkey Representative Dr. Hicran Kazancı. The local elections to be held in the forthcoming term and the general elections planned afterwards were also discussed.