mercredi 26 décembre 2007

Thinking of Edward Said, by Tarik Ali

Edward W. Said



December 24, 2007
A Fierce Independent Against Despotisms of Every Sort
Thinking of Edward Said
By TARIQ ALI

I think of Edward Said often, especially, but not only, when I read of the sordid deals in which the PLO is engaged with Israel and its US backers. I miss Edward's impetuosity and righteous indignation. He would have had no truck with the shrivelled little Bantustans that the PLO wants to accept and would have morally destroyed the apologists for such a scheme or those intellectual fellow-travellers who think that defending the idea of a secular Palestine means remaining silent on the US-EU embargo on Hamas and who, exhausted by years of struggle and the receipt of handsome cheques from some corrupt NGO, are yearning for an accommodation with the enemy on almost any terms.

Already in his last writings Edward Said had supported the idea of a single state in Israel-Palestine and a break with the corruption and bankruptcy of the PLO. He may not have agreed with every dot and comma in Mearsheimer and Walt's magisterial work, 'The Israel Lobby', but he would have loudly applauded its publication for breaking a sacred taboo. His voice is greatly missed in these bad times.

That Said was an implacable opponent of the Zionist project and US imperial policies is not in doubt, but he was not a mindless opponent of all things American. He loved New York. It was his home and he knew it and it was no small matter. He would often talk about the city with great passion and humour.

Edward's colleagues at Columbia used to refer to his large office as the 'West Bank' and he appreciated the humour. Visiting Britain or France he was both enthusiastic on some levels (French intellectual history, for instance) and detached. He was an inquisitive tourist, a bon vivant fitting well Edward Gibbon's description of such a person who possesses a 'virtue which borders on a vice; the flexible temper which can assimilate itself to every tone of society from the court to the cottage; the happy flow of spirits which can amuse and be amused in every company and situation.'

Edward engaged with contemporary ideas happily but unlike some of his fans he did not try and compensate for the hollowness of a hole by constructing a hollow dome over it to both frame and enlarge the original. At the same time he was not one of those who feel that the 20th century had erred in attaching too much importance to intellect and reason, conviction and character.

Horrible mistakes had been made by 'our side', crimes had been committed by Western civilization in the Congo and the judeocide of the Second World War which had made Western public opinion, belatedly regretting the genocide, now indifferent to Palestinian suffering.
Sometimes in melancholic mood and feeling more insecure than usual he would need to be reassured that what he was doing was worthwhile. Posterity's tributes would have pleased him greatly.

The best way to honour his memory is to preserve a fierce independence against despotisms of every variety regardless of whether they clothe themselves in the uniform of democracy or bludgeon people into submission with a field-marshal's baton.

Tariq Ali's new book, Pirates of the Caribbean: Axis of Hope, is published by Verso. He can be reached at: tariq.ali3@btinternet.com

mardi 25 décembre 2007

Holy Quoran Books at your fingertips




Please click on:

"Quranflash" had started in February 2007 as a simple microsite displaying the Holy Quran (Medina layout), in a very interactive way. The project had taken approximately 2 months of work to be accomplished by a few volunteers. The idea behind Quranflash came from a project developed and managed by the same members, Flash-eBook.com.
Flash-eBook is an online service which digitizes books and displays them in a very attractive and easily interactive way, using flash technology. Quranflash was initially a demo for large scale applications using Flash-eBook.

However, Quranflash had opened people's hearts and became a popular method of reading Quran, receiving unexpected numbers of over 10 thousand visitors daily. Therefore a decision was made to renovate the website design-wise as well as function-wise, especially incorporating the option of selecting among different Quran books to read.
It is worth noting here to our fellow non-Muslims that there is only one version of the Quran, but the different books here represent different styles of writing to enhance the reading, understanding, and/or memorization process.
This renovation has taken approximately 4 months, and through Allah's will, was completed by the end of August 2007.

Among the main features that have been added to the website are the following:

Increasing the page sizes to make reading easier
Rescanning pages of the Quran more precisely to include side information such as page and chapter numbering, as well as chapter names
Ability to magnify an area of the page using the magnifying glass
Ability to bookmark up to 8 pages from each book
Option to select between different books (such as Quran with tajweed, interpretations, etc)
Ability to control the pages' quality and hence downloading speed
Ability to change the background image to suit the reader
Ability to jump to the supplication page of the Quran
Ability to close each book
Ability to navigate the Quran using the directional buttons of the keyboard

The work seen throughout this website has been accomplished by individual efforts, and not through any kind of organization or committee. The website may be used freely for personal benefit without the need for any kind of online registration. Soon we (the team behind this website) will start with the third version of quranflash which will include voice recitations synchronized with the pages, as well as many other features.

Furthermore, we would like to point out that that the entire contents of this website have been developed using original commerically-licensed software, fully paid for. And we (the team) fully reject the usage of cracked / pirated software, that we would like to entitle as "stolen" software, and this rejection comes from a religious perspective as much as from an ethical humane perspective.

There are two main goals of this website:

1) To demonstrate the importance of life sciences and technology in the life of Muslims and that it may equalize religious sciences in importance if the intention is purified. This website is an invitation to read and learn life sciences that have a positive contribution (directly or indirectly) in the community then applying this knowledge whenever necessary.

2) To show the importance of beauty in displaying information, and its positive impact in attracting viewers and opening their hearts, just like the prophet Muhammad peace be upon him said "God is beautiful and loves beauty". Of course this is equivalent to paying attention to the external appearance of a Muslim since it gives a positive impact on others.

We are in need of volunteers (may Allah reward them) to advertise quranflash between their friends and sites. Advertisement images of various dimensions may be used from this link.

We ask everyone who has found this work impressive and beneficial to pray for those who contributed to this website that they maintian the sincerety in their hearts entirely towards Allah and that Allah accepts this work and makes it a reason for the guidance of others.

http://www.quranflash.com/

Kerkuk's importance not lost on U.S.


Published: 24-12-2007

SCOTT TAYLOR (*)

Last Tuesday, U.S. Secretary of State Condeleezza Rice made an unannounced, whirlwind visit to the northern Iraq city of Kirkuk. Ostensibly, the purpose of Rice’s visit was to shake hands with some American civilian reconstruction workers, but everyone who understands the importance of Kirkuk in Iraq’s future knows that this was not a simple photo op.

Since the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003, the western media have covered the violent insurgency relentlessly in hotspots such as Baghdad, Fallujah, Tikrit and Basra. Rarely mentioned is the oil-rich, strategically vital northern city of Kirkuk. Violence has certainly raged in the streets of Kirkuk, but rarely has this involved attacks against U.S. or coalition forces.

Since the majority of the killing in Kirkuk is inter-factional, the western media have paid it little attention. As a result, most people remain blissfully unaware of the strategic importance of this region.

Representing about 40 per cent of Iraq’s annual oil production (the remainder being pumped from around the southern city of Basra), Kirkuk has always been the economic crown jewel of northern Iraq. Unlike southern and central Iraq, which are respectively Shia- and Sunni-Arab dominated, northern Iraq is a mix of ethnicities and religions. Although often mislabelled by the U.S. media as simply a "Kurdish’ territory, Iraq’s three northernmost provinces include a mix of Arabs, Turkmen, Assyrians, Chaldeans and Yazidi people. The Kurds themselves are divided into two distinct tribal factions that are controlled by the rural warlords Massoud Barzani and Jalal Talibani.

From 1991 until the U.S. invasion in 2003, Kirkuk and its oil revenue had remained under the control of Saddam Hussein and just outside of the boundary denoting the autonomous Kurdish-controlled region. When U.S. special forces units moved south from these provinces into Saddam’s territory in 2003, peshmerga militias allied with both Kurdish warlords fought alongside them. However, defeating the Iraqi military forces was a secondary objective, the Kurds’ primary goal being to seize control of Kirkuk.

In the first few days following the collapse of Saddam’s army, the peshmerga looted the government offices in Kirkuk in a systematic fashion aimed at eliminating all public records such as birth certificates and land deeds.

The deliberate destruction of official records, combined with the arrival of thousands of Kurdish "settlers" in the wake of the peshmerga, alarmed the Arab and Turkmen ethnic minorities that constituted the majority of Kirkuk’s prewar population. The proportion of Arabs to Kurds in this city has fluctuated in recent decades as a result of the failed Kurdish uprising in 1991 and Saddam’s subsequent "Arabification" policy.

However, for centuries, Kirkuk has been known as a Turkmen city. Their ancient presence as merchants in a regional trading centre long predates the importance of oil as an international vital commodity.

However, the Kurdish leaders have their hearts set on turning Kirkuk into the economic engine that will guarantee them a truly independent state. They have been methodically altering the demographics of Kirkuk for the past five years. It is estimated that more 300,000 Kurdish settlers have been added to Kirkuk’s prewar population of about one million. A proposed referendum to determine the status of Kirkuk as a Kurdish city has been repeatedly delayed because it would ignite a powder keg.

Turkmen groups have aligned themselves with Arab tribes in an attempt to prevent their complete dominance by the Kurdish militias, but without their own armed forces, they can offer little real martial opposition.

The Kurdish regional government is already securely established in the city of Erbil, and there is a steady stream of international diplomats already flying on direct flights from Europe to establish missions in what is already being described as the capital of Kurdistan. The only missing piece of the puzzle would be the oil revenues necessary to make Kurdish independence feasible.

Rice’s visit to Kirkuk may have been a photo op as she said, but she also used the occasion to bless an UN-brokered deal to extend the current referendum deadline from Dec. 31 until June 30.
While temporarily averting the ignition of a three-way civil war, this six-month reprieve will simply delay the inevitable and give the Kurdish warlords more time to exert their influence over Kirkuk.

Turkey has categorically stated from the outset that it will not accept an independent Kurdish state along its border as it would undoubtedly encourage the Kurdish separatist movement in Turkey’s own eastern provinces. Recent cross-border military strikes by Turkish troops against Kurdish separatist guerrillas based in northern Iraq have clearly demonstrated the Turks’ resolve on this issue.

Unless a new course can be negotiated in the next six-month window, civil war and a wider regional conflict remain the most predictable outcome.

( staylor@herald.ca) The Halifax Herald Limited

(*) Best-selling author and award-winning journalist Scott Taylor is the author of "Among the Others" Encounters with the forgotten Turkmen of Iraq, published by Esprit de Corps Books, Canada

Kurdish leaders fail to speak with one voice

Differences surfaced between the two main Iraqi Kurdish leaders at a press conference they held on Monday after a meeting to discuss a series of recent cross-border offensives carried out by the Turkish military against outlawed Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) targets in northern Iraq.
Massoud Barzani, leader of the semi-autonomous Kurdish region in northern Iraq, chose strong words to condemn the cross-border attacks going on since Dec. 16, claiming that numerous Iraqi Kurds have died in the operations. Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, who is also the leader of one of the main Kurdish political parties, however, was cautious in criticizing the Turkish military attacks, saying that Turkey had the right to defend itself against the terrorist threat.

"We understand Turkey defending itself against the terrorist organization," Talabani said, referring to the PKK, which uses bases in northern Iraq as a springboard for attacks on Turkey.
"We are aware of Turkey's sensitivities. We are not remaining silent [in the face of Turkish military strikes], but we are not going to declare war, either."

The Iraqi president also said Iraq has delivered a diplomatic note to Turkey criticizing the cross-border attacks but added that the Iraqi side did not want to make a big issue out of it. "We want Turkey to extend its hand of friendship," he said, calling for a mid-way solution to the crisis.

Barzani drew ire in the Turkish media after he said Turkey's attacks on the Kandil Mountains, where the PKK's main command camps are located, were no different from an attack on Arbil or Sulaimaniya, the two biggest cities in Kurdish-run northern Iraq. The Kurdish leader also lent implicit support to the PKK, claiming that northern Iraq was target of the Turkish attacks because the residents there were Kurds.

Yesterday, Barzani said the Turkish operations were "unacceptable" and said he strongly condemned the attacks.

The meeting in the northern Iraqi city of Sulaimaniya was also attended by Iraqi Vice President Tariq al-Hashemi, who also condemned the Turkish strikes in northern Iraq.

Responding to Barzani's remarks, Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan said Turkey speaks to the Iraqi government in Baghdad, not the Kurdish administration in northern Iraq, and underlined that the cross-border operations would continue.

"We refuse to engage in any polemic and are simply exercising our country's rights stemming from international law," Erdoğan told reporters when asked on Sunday night to comment on Barzani's remarks. "We have the determination [to fight the PKK]. Our determination will continue."

Iraqi Kurdish officials said Turkish fighter jets bombed PKK targets in northern Iraq on Sunday, but there was no confirmation of this from the Turkish military. Jabar Yawar, a spokesman for Iraqi Kurdish peshmerga security forces, said the Turkish warplanes bombed an area about 85 kilometers north of Arbil near the border with Turkey on Sunday for about an hour and a half. He said there were no civilian casualties because the area was deserted due to fear of Turkish attacks.

If confirmed, it would be the fourth Turkish military operation against the PKK in the past week in northern Iraq.
On Dec. 16 the Turkish military said its aircraft attacked PKK positions in the Kandil Mountains, where thousands of the PKK terrorists are holed up. Two days later the Turkish army said troops penetrated into northern Iraq from the southeastern Turkish province of Hakkari in an operation Iraqi officials said about 500 troops took part in. On Saturday, the military announced in a statement that new aerial strikes had been made against PKK targets inside northern Iraq.
In the same statement, the military also said hundreds of the PKK terrorists were killed in the first attack on Dec. 16, although it was not possible to determine the exact number of PKK casualties due to difficulties of assessing damage in mountain caves.

The PKK, however, denied it had suffered any casualties from the aerial strikes or the troops' incursion in December.

Abdul Rahman Chaderchi, a senior member of the PKK, told Reuters the Turkish attacks had only killed five members of the anti-Iranian Party for a Free Life in Kurdistan (PJAK), an offshoot of the PKK.

Turkish news reports said as many as 300 terrorists were killed in the Dec. 16 attack. A report in daily Hürriyet said the PKK's main wireless station used for communication among its members in the region was also destroyed in the attacks.

Daily Zaman, reporting on Saturday's aerial strikes, said the attack had targeted a group of 40 PKK leaders who had fled the Kandil Mountain area in anticipation of further attacks by the Turkish military. In Saturday's attack, fighter jets bombed PKK targets in the Zap and Avashin camps near the border with Turkey for 35 minutes, according to the military. Senior PKK leaders, including Cemil Bayık and Murat Karayılan, are reportedly based in the area hit on Saturday.

25.12.2007



Today's Zaman

Somber Christmas in Iraq


Rita and Maria Farid, two Iraqi Christians living in the central Baghdad district of Karrada, did not want to celebrate Christmas this year and only bought a tree at the last minute.
"Christmas is very difficult for us. It's a time for family and friends, and this year for the first time, our family is incomplete," Maria Farid said.

In early May, Majid Farid, their brother, was killed in a car bomb blast as he walked to a currency exchange centre not far from the family home.
"He was going to convert Iraqi dinars to dollars to go to Jordan and meet a lovely Iraqi woman he had hoped to marry," Maria recalled.
"We knew something had happened to him immediately. I tried calling him on his mobile phone, but I couldn't get through and I just knew."

Rita and Maria sit with their backs to the small, plastic Christmas tree which has been relegated from the centre of the family room, to an unobtrusive corner near the door.
"We didn't even want to put up a tree," Rita says quietly. "But we did not want to depress relatives and friends and remind them constantly of that terrible day we lost Majid."

The Farid family is one of the relatively few Iraqi Armenian families remaining in the predominantly Shia area of Karrada. They moved from Basra to Baghdad during the Iran-Iraq war in the mid-1980s due to heavy bombing in southern Iraq.
Although most Iraqi Armenians observe Christmas on January 6, Maria's mother is Chaldean Catholic.

She said: "In past years, we'd go to the church on Christmas Eve and spend Christmas Day visiting friends and family and attending Christmas parties. Then in January we'd have our personal family Christmas, sitting around our tree and exchanging gifts."

Christmas past
In San Diego, California, Jennifer Hanna, 53, also a Chaldean Christian from Karrada, prepares to celebrate this Christmas with her husband and three children.
She said: "Celebrating in San Diego reminds me of the days I celebrated Christmas with my family in Iraq, before I moved to America.
"We would go to church and celebrate Christmas festivities in our communities among our Muslim neighbours."

Hanna said her family would serve delicious homemade Iraqi sweets to their Christmas visitors, just as she will this year, but jokes about how she now buys her sweets from the many Iraqi bakeries sprinkled around San Diego.

Hanna's tone changes to sombre as she explains that many Christians are fleeing their homes in Iraq to escape the dangers of "the extremist outsiders who are creating fear and terror among the Christian communities in Iraq".

Hanna said: "My brother and his wife moved to Jordan to escape the violence and it is their Muslim neighbours who are protecting their home in Iraq now.
"Iraqis have got along and this is what I experienced when I lived in Iraq. My best friend who I would have sleepovers with was Shia."

According to figures compiled by the Chaldean Federation of America (CFA), which provides humanitarian relief for displaced Chaldeans in and outside Iraq, 1.2 million Iraqi Christians practiced their faith without fear of persecution before the March 2003 US invasion.

Targeting Christians
Sectarian violence and religious persecution have forced an exodus of Christians to neighbouring countries, with the CFA saying only about 300,000 remain, many of whom are displaced within northern Iraq.

However, the numbers significantly jumped since the June 2007 killing of Father Ragheed Ganni, a Chaldean Catholic priest, and three sub-deacons who were with him, in the northern Iraqi city of Mosul.
The corpses were then rigged with explosives.
Though he had been threatened numerous times and his Holy Spirit parish attacked, Ganni had refused to leave the country.

Ganni's death followed a trend of assassinations and kidnappings targeting the Christian community which began following the fall of Saddam Hussein's government in 2003.
On August 2, 2004, more than a dozen Christian worshippers were killed when five Armenian, Assyrian and Chaldean churches came under co-ordinated attacks in the capital Baghdad and the northern city of Mosul.

Nine other churches were attacked before the end of the year.
Christian merchants who sold alcohol or music tapes and CDs were kidnapped and killed, their shops firebombed for "corrupting Islamic society".

Iraq's Christian heritage
In 2006, the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) warned that religiously motivated attacks signalled "an exodus that may mean the end of the presence in Iraq of ancient Christian and other communities that have lived on those same lands for 2,000 years".

The CFA says an estimated 20 percent of Iraqi refugees seeking asylum around the world in 2007 were Christian.
Despite the violence and targeting of the Christian communities in Iraq, Joseph Kassab, executive director of the CFA, said he does not encourage Iraqi Chaldeans to leave Iraq because it is their homeland.

But he acknowledged: "If there is any Christmas celebration in Iraq today, it's a very passive one and quiet one, to say the least."

Alice Marogil, an Iraqi Assyrian married to an Iraqi Chaldean, who left Iraq in 1976, is a social worker with the Chicago-based Interfaith Refugee and Immigration Ministries.
She has worked with at least one hundred Iraqi refugees of both Christian and Islamic faiths in the US.

While she acknowledges that Iraqis once celebrated Christian and Islamic holidays together, she believes as long as extremist militias and foreign terrorists stay in Iraq there will never be an end to the violence.
She said: "I do not see any light at the end of this tunnel. It's a very, very dark one.
"As long as there is no strong leader and government that knows how to take control, the chaos and terror will go on and on. You will see."
Published in Al-Jazeerah

lundi 24 décembre 2007

Democracy Now!: Ambivalent on Occupation?

Killed under US fire


Sympathy for the Occupiers
Democracy Now!: Ambivalent on Occupation?
by Kim Petersen / December 24th, 2007


I rode a tank
Held a generals rank
When the blitzkrieg raged
And the bodies stank
Pleased to meet you
Hope you guess my name, oh yeah


– Mick Jagger and Keith Richards, “Sympathy for the Devil”

Democracy Now! carried an extremely sympathetic interview on the 2nd Platoon, Charlie Company in Adhamiya, Iraq.1 The platoon refused to go out on patrol fearing that they might commit a massacre. People of good conscience would applaud this “mutiny” of Charlie Company.


The interview is with Kelly Kennedy of the Army Times, a newspaper geared toward US Army and US National Guard personnel and their families.


It is predictable that Kelly, a veteran, would impart a sympathetic view toward the men of Charlie Platoon. But her propaganda went unchallenged on the “independent,”2 left-leaning DN. For instance, she talked about “catching insurgents,” a demonization of the Iraqi resistance.3 Iraqis have a legitimate right to resist occupation.


Kelly enumerated how 14 men out of probably 138 men in Charlie Company had been “lost” in 12 months and 31 people from a battalion of about a thousand people. Kelly found this to be “pretty extreme.” Extreme? Unmentioned in the interview is how extreme the 14 or 31 occupation troops killed is in comparison to the over one million Iraqi people killed during the US invasion-occupation?”4
Viewers are told about a first sergeant McKinney “well loved by his men,” who killed himself in front of his men. Viewers are not told about the Iraqis, well loved by their family, who are slaughtered in front of their family members.


Said Kelly, “Early on in this war, we did umm … have situations were, were troops did not behave properly … for these guys to, to stand up and say ‘Listen we’re not, we’re not sure we can handle it right now,’ could be considered very courageous, in my mind.”


Yes, if not courageous,5 then at least the moral thing to do. But the troops didn’t rise to the challenge. In other words, the troops were not courageous and behaved improperly — a naughty-child euphemism for murderous acts by adults. This obfuscation by Kelly went unchallenged by DN hosts Amy Goodman and Juan Gonzales who were drawn to Kelly’s “really fascinating picture.”


Kelly talked about the ordeals US occupation soldiers in Iraq cope with, helped by the strong bonding among soldiers. Therefore, after an IED attack killed some men, the incapacitated soldiers couldn’t sleep, reacted poorly, and needed medication. The platoon refused to go out on patrol … “mutiny.” The army brass responded by splitting up the closely knit group and denying promotions.


“They are good guys,” asserted Kelly. These guys were just “going out and patrolling and doing what they thought they were supposed to be doing — in their minds.”
What does “in their minds” mean? Does the fact that the soldiers considered improper behaviors — such as occupying a people thousands of kilometers from the US, shooting them at checkpoints, barging into their homes during the night and, as Kelly admitted, “waking people” — the right thing to do “in their minds” exculpate the soldiers?

Kelly continued on about the “good guys”:6
When they lost their five men, they (pause) think they gave up on the Iraqi people. If, if the Iraqi people weren’t willing to fight for them, (pause) then what was the point? They were so angry. They just wanted to go out and take out the whole city. They didn’t understand why they couldn’t finish up what they call the war, and the whole idea of counterinsurgency is that you’re supposed to be building relationships, but they’re trying to build relationships with people who obviously aren’t that concerned about them. So this idea of a massacre was just (pause) they were just so angry, they could barely contain it anymore.


DN host Gonzales wondered about “the soldiers finding that they’re on a mission to help a people, but they have so much hostility from the very people that they are there to help, the impact of that on their fighting ability or on the morale.” Does Gonzales really wish to leave the viewers with the impression that he believes the soldiers are in Iraq on a noble mission to help Iraqis!? Does he want to portray Iraqis as ungrateful because of their hostility to foreign occupation? Should Iraqis be culpable for impacting the “fighting ability” and “morale” of their occupiers?


It sure is tough having to invade, kill, and occupy on behalf of a superpower. Kelly agreed, adding that the soldiers “never felt safe.”


Maybe they did never feel safe.


Are Iraqi soldiers attaching electrodes to the penises of US soldiers in Attica?

Are Iraqi troops raping American women?

Are Iraqis occupying US soil and shooting Americans at checkpoints?

Did Iraqis rewrite the US Constitution?

Was the Criminal US president hanged under an Iraqi occupation?

Did Iraqis wipe out the economic infrastructure of the US, causing great shortages of potable water and a lack of sewage treatment; destroy hospitals, expose Americans to disease epidemics and depleted uranium; destroy and defile American churches; allow the plunder of American antiquities; maneuver to grab control of US oil and natural resources for Iraqi companies; make refugees of 44 million Americans;7; etc.?


If Iraqis were committing these improper behaviors on the soil of the United Sates of America, would these “good guys” be able to feel safe?


Why did the DN hosts seemingly defend the US occupation of Iraq through nauseating commentary and silence? Indeed, Charlie Company did the right thing by pulling back from committing a massacre. Nonetheless, while one should not demonize individual soldiers with a broad brush, certainly, creating sympathy for the minions of US military-industrial complex while totally neglecting the victims’ blood spilled by the troops is sending out a dark signal.


1. Amy Goodman and Juan Gonzales, “U.S. Soldiers Stage Mutiny, Refuse Orders in Iraq Fearing They Would Commit Massacre in Revenge for IED Attack,” Democracy Now!, 21 December 2007. #
2. DN calls itself “independent” while accepting large sums of money from foundations. #
3. See Kim Petersen, “‘Insurgents’: Hermeneutics Are Not a Substitute for Clarity!” Dissident Voice, 3 March 2006. #
4. More than 1,000,000 Iraqis murdered,” ORB, September 2007. #
5. Kim Petersen, “An Act of Cowardice that Must Surely be Unrivalled in History: Challenging the Assumption of Valor,” Dissident Voice, 29 July 2003. #
6. Kelly thinks the soldiers are “good guys,” but what do Iraqi civilians who live under the muzzles of M15s think? While primary blame lies with decision-makers in government, soldiers do bear culpability for war and killing. See Kim Petersen and B.J. Sabri, “American Violence in Iraq: Necrophilia or Savagery? Part 1, 2, 3, 4, and 5,” Dissident Voice, 15 August-19 September 2005. #
7. Amnesty International reports 4 million Iraqi refugees displaced by the invasion and occupation of their country. See “Refugee crisis unfolds amid global apathy,” 21 September 2007. Based on population data from the CIA Factbook which reports the 2007 US population at 301.1 million and the 2007 Iraqi population at 27.4 million, by simple extrapolation 4 million Iraqi refugees would be the equivalent of 44 million US refugees.
#
Kim Petersen is co-editor of Dissident Voice. He can be reached at: kim@dissidentvoice.org. Read other articles by Kim.
This article was posted on Monday, December 24th, 2007 http://www.dissidentvoice.org/2007/12/sympathy-for-the-occupiers/

dimanche 23 décembre 2007

Un an après la mort du Président irakien. Droit international ou loi de Lynch?

SADDAM HUSSEIN, RAÏS MARTYR
par Gilles Munier


En Irak et dans les pays musulmans, personne n’a oublié le « lynchage juridique » du Président Saddam Hussein, le 30 décembre 2006, jour de l’Aïd Al-Adha. C’est considéré comme fait accompli, dans ces pays, que les Occidentaux n’invoquent la démocratie, la « bonne gouvernance » ou le progrès, que s’ils servent leurs intérêts et ceux d’Israël.

Cette fois, il a suffi que s’entremêlent dans l’esprit fêlé d’un président des Etats-Unis : « devoir de croisade », « vendetta familiale » (1), « guerre du pétrole », « considérations géostratégiques » et « Armageddon » (2), pour que le droit international et les Conventions de Genève soient balayées (3) ; pour que les troupes US envahissent l’Irak, bombardent sans discernement, tuent par centaines de milliers, torturent, affament, pillent et lynchent, sans encourir les foudres de la « Communauté internationale ».

L’agression du 19 mars 2003 demeurera un cas d’école dans les annales internationales. Bien que carrément illégale, ni le Conseil de sécurité ni l’Assemblée générale de l’ONU ne l’ont condamnée et a fortiori n’ont réclamé de sanctions contre les Etats-Unis. La France qui avait mis le monde en garde contre les conséquences d’une invasion en est restée là ; puis est rentrée dans le rang le 16 octobre 2003 en votant la résolution 1511 du Conseil de sécurité avalisant l’occupation. Il a fallu attendre le 16 septembre 2004 pour que Kofi Annan, secrétaire général de l’ONU, ose dire que l’invasion de l’Irak avait violé la Charte des Nations unies, mais il n’a pas jugé bon d’aller plus loin.

Un tribunal illégal et illégitime
La guerre contre l’Irak étant illégale, le « Tribunal spécial irakien (TSI)» l’était par conséquent aussi. Le TSI a été créé dans la précipitation par Paul Bremer, le 10 décembre 2003, quand les Américains ont décidé d’officialiser la capture de Saddam Hussein. Le Président irakien a, en effet, confié à Mahmoud Al-Mouni, un avocat égyptien, qu’il a été livré aux Américains, début décembre, par un ami, membre du parti Baas, chez qui il était caché. Drogué lors d’un déjeuner, il était allé dormir dans une étable. Il n’a repris conscience qu’une quinzaine de jours plus tard au fond du « trou à rats » où les forces spéciales US l’ont « découvert ».

L’avocat pense que Saddam a été transféré à l’étranger (4). En gardant sa capture secrète, ils n’avaient pas à le déclarer à la Croix Rouge Internationale, comme la Convention de Genève de 1949 l’exige. Les Américains lui ont probablement injecté des sérums pour savoir si l’Irak possédait des armes de destruction massive. L’état dans lequel il est apparu lors était celui d’un homme drogué.

Ils ne l’ont déclaré prisonnier de guerre comme chef des forces armées irakiennes que le 9 janvier, trois semaines après l’épisode du « trou à rats » (5). L’article 13 de la Convention de Genève leur interdisait de diffuser les images de sa soi disant capture. Ils n’en ont pas tenu compte pour, dit-on, « briser le mythe du Raïs sur lequel s’appuie, entre autres, la résistance irakienne ». « Le voir humilié ainsi, sorti de son trou à rats », était selon Toby Dodge, spécialiste de l’Irak auprès de l’Institut international d’études stratégiques (IISS), « une étape de plus dans la libération mentale des Irakiens » (6)

Le TSI n’a aucune légitimité. Il est une émanation du Département d’Etat américain à la Justice de l’Autorité Provisoire de la Coalition, c'est-à-dire des forces d’occupation (7). Même s’il l’avait été, le Président irakien et ses compagnons ne pouvaient pas être passibles de la peine de mort puisqu’elle était « suspendue » quand ils ont été arrêtés. Elle a été rétablie « provisoirement » par le « Premier ministre » Iyad Allaoui, le 8 août 2004, pour les condamner.

La formation du TSI n’a soulevé que protestations de pure forme, y compris quand il est apparu que ses statuts n’avaient fait l’objet d’aucune consultation et que ses membres étaient recrutés et formés pour jouer un rôle fixé d’avance. Aucun critère d’équité et d’impartialité n’était rempli, même pour la galerie. Il ne faut pas s’étonner dans ses conditions que les conclusions du Groupe de travail de l’ONU sur les détentions arbitraires, remises au tribunal avant le verdict et après deux ans d’enquête, n’aient pas été prises en considération. Elles stipulaient que la détention des dirigeants irakiens était « arbitraire » et que la Charte internationale des droits civils et politiques avait été enfreinte à plusieurs reprises.

Dès la première séance, Saddam Hussein s’est présenté comme « Saddam Hussein Al-Majid, président de l’Irak ». Il l’était légalement toujours, ayant été renversé par une intervention étrangère illégale, sans déclaration de guerre préalable, qui n’a pas abouti à la capitulation de l’Irak. Il refusa de reconnaître la légitimité du tribunal et rejeta les charges retenues contre lui. « Tout cela est du théâtre », déclara-t-il, « le véritable criminel est Bush » (8).

Le « procès du siècle » !
Pour Mouwafak Al-Rubaie, directeur de la Sécurité nationale irakienne et principal homme de confiance des Américains, le procès de Saddam Hussein devait être le « procès du siècle ». Le monde entier y assisterait, faisant du « nouvel Irak » un exemple à suivre (9). Il n’en a évidement rien été.

Les juges sont clairement apparus pour ce qu’ils étaient : des marionnettes aux mains de conseillers américain et britanniques ou de chiites extrémistes en mal de vengeance. Leur indépendance était quasi nulle. Ils n’avaient pas à fournir de preuves incontestables pour condamner les accusés, de simples présomptions suffisaient. Ils pouvaient obtenir des aveux sous la contrainte, sans la présence d’un avocat. Au cours du procès, ils sont allés jusqu’à refuser de transmettre en temps voulu à la défense les pièces à charge, ou le faisaient trop tard pour en éviter l’analyse.

Les menaces de mort se sont multipliées contre les avocats de la défense dès les premières séances. En juillet 2004, un groupe appelé Seif al-Allah, a promis de leur trancher la gorge. Un chef de tribu a déclaré qu’il les ferait « découper en morceaux », et Raad Al-Saadi, proche de Moqtada Sadr, les a prévenus qu’ils allaient « ruiner leur carrière et s’exposer au jugement de Dieu » (10).

Avocats assassinés, juges écartés
Puis, les milices pro-iraniennes ou chalabistes (11) sont passées à l’action. Trois avocats de la défense ont été assassinés : Saadoun Al-Janabi en octobre 2005, Adil Al-Zubeidi en novembre 2005 et Khamis al-Obeidi en juin 2006. La dépouille de ce dernier a été retrouvée sous un poster de l’ayatollah Mohamed Sadek Al Sadr - père de Moqtada - près de Sadr City. Le corps présentait des traces de torture. On raconte que l’avocat a été promené dans le quartier, ligoté à l’arrière d’un pick-up Toyota, et qu’Abou Der’ra - surnommé le « Zarqaoui chiite » - a célébré son assassinat en offrant un rafraîchissement général à la population des environs. Les passants étaient invités à tirer une balle sur son cadavre « pour se venger des baasistes ».

Les juges qui ne jouaient pas le jeu durent démissionner ou furent écartés. Rizgar Muhammad Amin se retira au bout de quatre mois car les « politiques » lui reprochaient de ne pas âtre assez sévère avec les accusés. Sayeed Al-Hamashi fut écarté quand on découvrit qu’il avait appartenu au parti Baas, Rauf Rashid Abdul Rahman parce qu’il était natif de Halabja, et Abdullah al-Amiri pour manque de « neutralité ». Il avait déclaré que Saddam Hussein n’était « pas un dictateur ». Bushra Khalil, avocate libanaise chiite, a été expulsée, non parce qu’elle avait établi un parallèle entre l’affaire de Doujail et celle d’Abou Ghraib, mais en raison de sa confession. Elle était la seule chiite dans l’équipe de défense. Cela dérangeait les Américains, dit-elle, « car le dossier perdait son caractère confessionnel » (12).

Finalement, Nouri Al Maliki, « Premier ministre », désigna Mohamed Araiby, un membre des Brigades Badr, pour le remplacer. Il était pressé d’en finir, des bruits couraient que Donald Rumsfeld avait proposé à Saddam de le libérer en échange d’un appel demandant aux « insurgés » de déposer leurs armes. Le Président Saddam Hussein avait refusé, mais les pro-iraniens ne voulaient courir aucun risque.

Ancien étudiant en droit civil à Bagdad, Araiby n’avait aucune expérience en tant que juge. Il avait fait de la prison sous Saddam Hussein après avoir escroqué un travailleur égyptien et s’était réfugié à Téhéran en 1999 pour échapper au deux mois de service militaire demandés aux réservistes. De retour en Irak en 2003, il aurait liquidé la personne l’ayant dénoncé aux autorités de l’époque, et un de ses anciens professeurs qui ne le notait pas assez bien (13). Avec un individu de cet acabit, Maliki était sûr d’obtenir la peine capitale pour les principaux accusés, dans les plus brefs délais.

Le procès a été une parodie de justice, de bout en bout. Le 13 mars 2006, quand le Vice- président Taha Yassin Ramadam, déclara que les Américains l’avaient torturé après son arrestation (14) en le privant de sommeil, en l’obligeant à demeurer dans des positions douloureuses et en l’exposant à des chaleurs extrêmes, pour savoir où était caché Saddam Hussein, personne n’a rien dit. Aucune enquête n’a été menée.

Un affront fait à tous les musulmans
Le verdict est tombé le 5 novembre 2006. Comme prévu, le TSI a condamné à mort par pendaison Saddam Hussein, Barzan Al-Tikriti et le juge Awad Al-Bandar. Le dossier de 300 pages expliquant la décision n’a été remis aux avocats de la défense que le 22 novembre pour qu’il n’aient pas le temps de l’étudier et de faire appel avant la date limite du 5 décembre.

La sentence a été confirmée le 26 décembre. La prison à vie, réclamée contre Taha Yassin Ramadan, ayant été jugée trop clémente, a été transformée en peine capitale. Comme le dira un membre important de l’Union des juristes irakiens : «. Ce procès n’a été qu’une farce dégoûtante … Le verdict a été rendu d’avance par l’administration Bush et ses alliés irakiens». Il « visait à donner un vernis de légalité à l'invasion illégale d'un État souverain » (15).

A Washington, Scott Stanzel - porte-parole de la Maison Blanche - a aussitôt estimé que la condamnation ferait « date dans les efforts que mènent les Irakiens pour remplacer la loi d'un tyran par l'État de droit ». Saddam Hussein a eu, a-t-il déclaré, « un procès en bonne et due forme et a bénéficié des droits légaux qu'il a déniés aux Irakiens pendant si longtemps» (16).
Les autorités de l’occupation avaient 30 jours pour fixer la date de l’exécution, mais il fallait expressément pour George Bush que Saddam soit exécuté avant le nouvel an chrétien et son discours sur sa nouvelle stratégie en Irak. Il ne voulait surtout pas d’un second procès qui mettrait en cause les Etats-Unis dans la guerre Iran-Irak, et la répression des menées pro-iraniennes dans le sud de l’Irak en 1991 (17).

La Hawza de Nadjaf a trouvé judicieux de le pendre le jour fixé pour l’Aïd Al-Adha par les sunnites. Les Grands ayatollahs voulaient leur montrer que le pouvoir avait changé de main et que désormais le rite chiite prévalait (18). Leur décision fut interprétée dans le monde musulman comme « un affront pour la culture et la tradition islamique » (19).

Un lynchage barbare
Les Américains ont livré Saddam Hussein à ses bourreaux irakiens dans la nuit du 30 décembre (20). Le Président avait confié à l’avocate Bushra Khalil que la mort ne lui faisait pas peur depuis sa participation, en octobre 1959, au commando baasiste chargé d’assassiner le Général Kassem. Il avait interdit à ses avocats de réclamer sa grâce (21).

Son exécution était conçue comme un spectacle multimédia. Une caméra filmait officiellement l’évènement, doublée par un ou plusieurs téléphones portables dont celui de Mouwafak Al-Rubaie. Ses organisateurs espéraient le voir s’effondrer à la dernière minute pour l’humilier et déstabiliser la résistance.

Le Président est monté calmement à la potence sous les insultes et les provocations d’extrémistes chiites invités pour l’occasion. Il a répondu sarcastiquement à l’un d’eux «Hiya hiy al marjale?» - «Est-ce çà, ta virilité?», une répartie qui « associe la virilité au courage, à la fierté et aux valeurs chevaleresques » (22) et qui remonte aux temps les plus anciens de l’Arabie et de l’islam. Puis, quand un autre lui a dit d’aller en enfer, il a répliqué que l’enfer, c’était l’Irak d’aujourd’hui. On ne lui a pas laissé le temps de terminer la Fatiha – la profession de foi des musulmans - la trappe s’est ouverte sous ses pieds (23).

Le choc des images et des dialogues – même tronqués - diffusés par Al Jazeera et n’ont pas produits les effets qu’escomptaient les « les Américains et les Safavides (24) » qui l’ont fait exécuter.

Israël, le Koweït, l’Iran et les Etats-Unis se sont félicités de « la mort du dictateur ». La déclaration de Rizgar Muhammad Amin - le juge kurde qui avait démissionné du TSI - disant que l’exécution était illégale du point de vue du code pénal et de la nouvelle constitution irakienne, et contraire aux traditions du pays, a pratiquement été passée sous silence.

« Saddam Hussein, un dictateur» ? s’interrogent aujourd’hui certains opposants. « Certes », disent-il. Mais ils ajoutent que, dans ce cas, des précisions sont nécessaires : « Il faut se demander quel genre de dictateur ? Quel était son projet, quelles furent ses réalisations ? Qui gênaient-elles ? Après ce qui s’est passé en Irak depuis l’agression d’avril 2003, il restera dans la mémoire des Arabes et des musulmans comme un révolutionnaire intransigeant qui a fait entrer son pays dans la modernité, qui a soutenu le peuple palestinien, qui a fait de l’Irak une puissance régionale et qui, pour ces raisons, a dû affronter les Etats-Unis, Israël, l’Iran et les rebellions qu’ils soutenaient. Vu d’Orient, Saddam est devenu un martyr » (25).

Quant à George W. Bush, Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, Tony Blair, et leurs comparses, qualifiés de « démocrates », quels souvenirs laisseront-ils dans l’histoire du Proche-Orient ? Ceux de criminels de guerre arrogants et racistes à l’origine du pire massacre d’Irakiens depuis l’invasion mongole en 1258. Mais qui osera les juger de leur vivant pour crimes contre l’humanité et crimes de guerre (26), agression illégale, utilisation d’armes interdites, non respect du droit international et des Conventions de Genève, ouverture de prisons secrètes à l’étranger, tortures et tueries ?

Notes :
(1) Poussé un jour dans ses retranchements par un journaliste américain à propos de sa haine de Saddam Hussein, George W. Bush avait répondu : « Le monsieur, il a voulu tué mon papa » ! Il faisait référence au « complot » découvert au Koweït le 16 avril 1993, visant à assassiner son père. A l’époque, une partie de la presse américaine et le journaliste d’investigation Seymour Hersh avaient mis en doute la version de la Maison-Blanche.
(2) Armageddon est le lieu où, selon la Bible, sera livré la bataille finale opposant le Bien au MaL. Il y aurait aux Etats-Unis 30 millions d’ « Armageddonites », qui appartiennent à des églises évangéliques. Les plus fanatiques -appelés aussi chrétiens sionistes - préconisent l’emploi d’armes nucléaires pour sauver Israël du « faux dieu » musulman. Dans un de ses récents discours George W. Bush a évoqué la bataille entre Gog et Magog (prophétie d’Ezéchiel) à propos d’une éventuelle guerre contre l’Iran. Selon ces extrémistes religieux, elle opposerait deux blocs, d’un côté Israël, les Etats-Unis, la Grande-Bretagne, la France et l’Allemagne, et de l’autre l’Iran, la Syrie, la Russie, la Chine et la Corée du nord.
(3) Pour le professeur Robert Charvin, professeur à l'Université de Nice-Sophia Antipolis et spécialiste du droit international, c’est «l'ingérence dite humanitaire » qui « a permis aux Grandes puissances de n'avoir plus à prendre en considération la fragile barrière juridique que représentait à leur interventionnisme le principe de non-ingérence dans les affaires intérieures des Etats dès lors qu'elles invoquaient les droits de l'homme ». L’ingérence humanitaire, écrit-il, a fondé « la légitimité de l’agression pure et simple ». Dans le cas de l’Irak, les Etats-Unis ont d’abord invoqué « la menace terroriste » et « la possession d’armes des destruction massive », puis la « légitime défense vis-à-vis de l’Irak en lui adjoignant la notion de « prévention ». Il constate que ce nouveau concept est radicalement offensif, calqué sur une conception israélienne. Il « ruine le principe majeur du droit international déclarant illicite le recours à la force armée à l'exception de l'unique cas où un Etat subit une agression armée d'un autre Etat et est fondé en droit, en conséquence, à se défendre ». (La guerre anglo-américaine contre l’Irak et le droit international. « Apocalypse law » par Robert Charvin – http://www.ridi.org/adi/articles/2003/200304cha.htm)
(4) Cité par Danielle Bleitrach dans « Irak : Le Plan Bush et la légende dorée de Saddam Hussein », 9/1/07.
(5) Saddam Hussein est un prisonnier de guerre, avait déclaré le Major Michael Shavers, porte-parole du Pentagone (UPI – 8/1/04 – Saddam is a POW, says Pentagon, par Pamela Hess).
(6) La diffusion des photos de Saddam est juridiquement discutable – La Libre Belgique, 15/12/2003. A noter que Donald Rumsfeld avait interdit aux médias américains de diffuser les photos de GI’s prisonniers de l’armée irakienne.
(7) Le Congrès des États-Unis a alloué 128 millions de dollars au financement du tribunal.
(8) Transcript of Saddam in court – MSNBC TV, 1/8/04 - http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/5345118
(9) Déclaration de Mouwafak Al-Rubaie, directeur de la Sécurité nationale, principal homme de confiance des Américains en Irak - Real criminal is Bush, defiant Saddam says.
http://www.chron.com/disp/story.mpl/special/iraq/2656581.html
(10) Al-Mashreq - Bagdad – 20/12/03.
(11) Formées par Ahmed Chalabi, homme des néo conservateurs américains et agent double pour le compte des services secrets iraniens.
(12) L'Orient-Le Jour, 16 juin 2006
(13) The dark « CV » of the new judge in Saddam trial.
www.roadstoiraq.com/2006/09/21/the-dark-cv-of-the-new-judge-in-saddams-trial/
(14) Taha Yassin Ramadam s’était livré le 18 août 2003 pour sauver la vie de son fils enlevé par un commando de peshmerga de l’Union patriotique du Kurdistan (UPK),.
(15) Déclaration d’un membre important de l’Union des juristes irakiens, à l’IPS.
(16) Les jours de Saddam Hussein sont comptés – Radio Canada, 26/11.06
http://www.radio-canada.ca/nouvelles/International/2006/12/26/006-hussein-pendaison-confirmee.shtml?ref=rss
(17) Saddam Hussein a emporté ses secrets dans la tombe. On ne saura rien sur le rôle joué par George Bush père et Donald Rumsfeld dans les livraisons de gaz de combat à l’Irak pendant la guerre avec l’Iran, notamment celles révélées par un document du Sénat américain affirmant que 61 livraisons de cultures biologiques y ont été expédiées par un laboratoire sous contrôle de l’armée américaine, ou sur la réalisation d’une usine de fabrication de gaz de combat par Bechtel, filiale de Halliburton. Le dossier du scandale de la BCCI ne sera pas rouvert. On ne saura rien, non plus, sur les commissions qui auraient été versées par Hussein Kamel - gendre du Président irakien et ministre de l’Industrialisation militaire - au Parti Républicain américain et à Bill Clinton, alors gouverneur de l’Arkansas.
(18) L’Aïd Al-Adha (ou Aïd El-Kebir) - appelée en persan Eid-e Qurban - commémore le sacrifice d’Abraham. C’est traditionnellement la fête du pardon, de la réconciliation, de la clémence et de la générosité. Elle est fêtée le dixième jour du mois de Dhul Hijja du calendrier lunaire islamique, 40 jours après l’Aïd El Fitr qui correspond à la fin du Ramadhan. La différence de date de célébration chez les sunnites et les chiites irakiens est fonction de l’apparition de la lune qui clôt le jeûne du Ramadhan. Sous Saddam Hussein, la date était la même pour tous. Pour des motifs politico-religieux, la Hawza de Nadjaf s’est mise depuis 2003 à l’heure de Téhéran. Pour se différencier, les Iraniens n’aperçoivent la lune qu’un jour plus tard, ce qui décale automatiquement pour les chiites irakiens la célébration de cette fête.
(19) Brussels Tribunal - Déclaration de Abdul Ilah Albayaty, Ian Douglas, Karen Parker, Hana Albayaty, Dirk Adriaensens, Felicity Arbuthnot, Inge Van De Merlen (6 janvier 2007).
(20) Ni le « Président » Jalal Talabani, ni Massoud Barzani, dirigeant de la Région autonome kurde, n’auraient été informé de la décision d’exécuter Saddam Hussein aussi rapidement.
(21) Saddam avait demandé à ceque personne ne réclame sa grâce
http://web.ifrance.com/actu/monde/65487
(22) « C’est çà, ta virilité ? », par Haïfa Zangana – The Guardian, 6/1/07.
http://www.michelcollon.info/articles.php?dateaccess=2007-02-12%2008:58:24&log=invites
(23) Un groupe d’extrémistes a tenté de le décapiter, comme cela a été le cas quelques jours plus tard pour son demi frère Barzan Al-Tikriti. Le corps de Saddam Hussein a été transporté par un hélicoptère américain à Tikrit. Il a été inhumé près de ses deux fils – Oudaï et Qussaï - et de son petit fils Mustapha, 14 ans, massacrés à Mossoul le 22 juillet 2003 par les forces spéciales de la 101ème Division aérienne d’assaut commandée par le Général David Petraeus.
(24) Testament de Saddam Hussein, cité par les agences de presse. « Safavide » est le nom donné par les Irakiens aux chiites pro-iraniens. Il fait référence au nom de la dynastie perse qui a occupé l’Irak de 1508 à 1524 et de 1622 à 1638. (Le croissant chiite… safavide, par Gilles Munier:
http://gmunier.blogspot.com/2007_03_01_archive.html)
(25) Entretiens avec d’anciens opposants à Saddam Hussein.
(26) Aucune plainte déposée contre les responsables américains pour les massacres commis en Irak n’a abouti. Celle déposée le 13 mai 2003 à Bruxelles, contre le Général Tommy Franks, a été « renvoyée » quand George W. Bush a menacé de retirer le siège de l’OTAN de Belgique. La Cour suprême allemande s’est déclarée « incompétente » pour ne pas instruire les plaintes déposées contre Donald Rumsfeld, le 14 novembre 2006, pour crimes de guerre et crimes contre l’humanité. Le Parquet de Paris a laissé filer Donald Rumsfeld, invité à une conférence en France fin octobre 2007, malgré le dépôt d’une plainte pour torture et bien que la France ait ratifié, en 1984, une convention internationale permettant de poursuivre une personne accusée de torture n’importe où dans le monde.

UNICEF: Little respite for Iraq's children in 2007

Body of Ali Hamed killed by US troops on October 21st, 2007

ERBIL/AMMAN/GENEVA, 21 December 2007: An estimated two million children in Iraq continue to face threats including poor nutrition, disease and interrupted education.

Iraqi children were frequently caught in the crossfire of conflict throughout 2007. Insecurity and displacement continues to cause hardship for many in the most insecure parts of the country and further eroded access to quality essential services country-wide. Iraq remains volatile; however conditions begin to allow for more a concerted effort to deliver assistance.

“Iraqi children are paying far too high a price,” said Roger Wright, UNICEF’s Special Representative for Iraq. “While we have been providing as much assistance as possible, a new window of opportunity is opening, which should enable us to reach the most vulnerable with expanded, consistent support. We must act now.”

Available information from different sources shows that:

Only 28 per cent of Iraq’s 17 year olds sat their final exams in summer, and only 40 per cent of those sitting exams achieved a passing grade (in south and central Iraq).

Many of 220,000 displaced children of primary school age had their education interrupted, adding to the estimated 760,000 children (17 per cent) already out of primary school in 2006.
Children in remote and hard-to-reach areas were frequently cut off from health outreach services.

Only 20 per cent outside Baghdad had working sewerage in their community, and access to safe water remains a serious issue.

An average 25,000 children per month were displaced by violence or intimidation, their families seeking shelter in other parts of Iraq.
By the end of the year, approximately 75,000 children had resorted to living in camps or temporary shelters (25 per cent of those newly-displaced since the Samarra shrine bombing in February 2006).

Hundreds of children lost their lives or were injured by violence and many more had their main family wage-earner kidnapped or killed.

Approximately 1,350 children were detained by military and police authorities, many for alleged security violations.

And yet 2007 also saw positive progress for Iraqi children, against the odds. Thanks to donor assistance and internal resources, UNICEF invested over $40 million dollars during the year – despite the lowest funding levels since 2003 – to deliver critical health care, safe water and sanitation, education and other essential services to millions of children and their families.

The funds enabled Iraqi health workers conduct house-to-house immunization campaigns protecting over 4 million children against polio and more than three million against measles, mumps and rubella – in close partnership with the World Health Organization (WHO).
As a result of these campaigns, Iraq remains polio-free and measles cases are dramatically down -- from 9,181 in 2004 to just 156 up to November in 2007.Approximately 4.7 million Iraqi primary school children benefited from UNICEF-supported investment in education: including distribution of critical school materials, rebuilding and restoring schools, adding extra classrooms for displaced children and providing accelerated learning opportunities. A government-supported assessment of school attendance rates in 2007 is now in process (83 per cent of Iraq’s primary school age group was estimated to be attending school during the 2005/2006 school year).

Partnerships made these achievements possible, most notably with the European Commission (EC), Canada, Japan, other UN Agencies and NGOs.

Relief agencies and local Iraqi communities also provided a lifeline reaching up to 500,000 displaced persons and victims of violence in 2007, delivering medical and hygiene support, safe water, shelter and other critical care. UNICEF-supported water-tankering is currently the only supply of safe water for at least 200,000 Iraqis facing poverty, violence or displacement.

Children’s needs inside Iraq will become clearer as security improves, UNICEF stressed. Returning families are one of many vulnerable groups in need of support. To meet the challenge, UNICEF and its partners are spearheading IMPACT: Iraq – an initiative creating a nationwide network of UN and NGO teams, able to rapidly assess and respond wherever families are vulnerable, and promote early local recovery.

To help seize the current opportunity, UNICEF calls for support to:
1. rapidly increase attention and action to meet the immediate needs of children and families inside Iraq - focusing on all vulnerable groups;
2. widen humanitarian access to Iraqi children and their families in conflict zones, behind security barriers and in detention centres; and
3. strengthen Iraq’s capacity and initiatives to improve governance and mobilize its own resources to invest in national recovery.

Wright stressed that meeting the needs of Iraq’s children in 2008 depends, to a great extent, on sufficient financial resources being made available. Children can and should be the priority for international investment in Iraq, he said.

“Iraqi children are the foundation for their country’s recovery,” he added. “Where children’s lives are protected and revived, community recovery will swiftly follow. We continue to owe them our very best in 2008 and beyond.”

http://www.unicef.org/media/media_42256.html