Christophe Callewaert, DeWereldMorgen.be
March 16, 2011
The handing over of the Ghent Charter in Defense of Iraqi Academia by Hans von Sponeck to Ms Marie-Paule Roudil, representative of UNESCO in Brussels, during the official signing ceremony, 8 March 2011
In the past eight years hundreds of academics have been killed in Iraq. They were not accidental victims of the violence prevailing in the country, but the target of a focused and systematic campaign to destroy the Iraqi state, researchers say. In Ghent specialists from all over the world gathered to investigate the humanitarian catastrophe.
MENARG (Middle East and North African Research Group) of Ghent University, the BRussells Tribunal, and numerous other organizations brought together the cream of Iraq specialists at the Aula in Ghent. For three days they have talked about the "least known humanitarian crisis" (in the words of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees Antonio Guterres).
These figures are staggering. The BRussells Tribunal collected 455 files on murdered academics. The number of teachers in Baghdad has fallen by 80 percent. In the two years after the start of the war in Iraq 84 percent of higher education institutions were looted, destroyed or burned. More than 335 students and staff died or were seriously injured by bombings of Al Mustansiriya University in Baghdad. Approximately 40 percent of the Iraqi middle class has fled the country.
The researchers say the destruction of academic life in Iraq is no side effect of the war. "This is the official theory of the Iraqi government. The academic community was -like the rest of Iraq- victim of ethnic and sectarian violence after the invasion.
Our research shows that academics as a group are the target of violence," said Pedro Rojo from CEOSI, who has written several books on Iraq.
Who was and is behind that violence?
Pedro Rojo: "Firstly, the militias aligned to the government. They want to destroy the education system. There is also the Mossad (Israeli Security Agency, ed) that targeted scientists who have or may have had a hand in the production of weapons of mass destruction."
Why?But why would someone destroy the education of a country?
According to the American Professor Raymond Baker Iraq is a clear case of "state ending". The aim of the war was the destruction of the Iraqi state. The killings of academics are a part of that war strategy.
Former UN humanitarian coordinator in Iraq, Hans von Sponeck, said the attempt to destroy the Iraqi state started much earlier. "It started in 1990 with the sanctions after Iraq invaded Kuwait. The oil for food program could have been adequate, but it was not. The UN was simply abused as a tool to destroy Iraq. They could have saved at least primary education, but they did not. Then I realized that the US wanted to destroy the old Iraq to create a new Iraq," said von Sponeck, who resigned in 2000.
The researchers in Ghent do not only want to accuse, but also try to formulate solutions. "We need a network of Iraqi and European researchers who through a thorough research can map the situation in Iraq," said Pedro Rojo. "It is not enough to say that there is now a "blossoming" democracy in Iraq and that we can rebuild the country. The murderers are still waving the stick. Impunity is the problem. "
Von Sponeck also calls for objective and fair research and investigation. "Non-ideological and no hidden agendas. So other people can better defend the Iraqi cause. Ending the occupation seems to be a prerequisite to have hope for change. At this time throughout the Arab world, young people are on the streets. An ideal time to those who give objective information," said von Sponeck. The Arab riots are encouraging.
The Iraqi writer Haifa Zangana has hopes for her homeland. "Over the last two months there were constant demonstrations. Even in areas where there were never demonstrations before, like in the Kurdish provinces. The people on the streets formulate a rainbow of demands. But the repression has been merciless. 31 protesters have already been killed. And in the Western media there is a total blackout. As if there is no more occupation, as if democracy flourishes in Iraq again."
(Translation: Dirk Adriaensens, member of the BRussells Tribunal executive Committee)
vendredi 18 mars 2011
Discussion about the objectives of the Turkmen
http://www.orsam.org.tr/en/showmeeting.aspx?ID=8
Discussion about the Objectives of the Turkmen
The 12th of the Meeting of Turkmen Intellectuals which is periodically organized by the ORSAM was held on Saturday, March 5, 2011 in the ORSAM conference hall. The students who are in Turkey for education showed a great interest to the meeting that was directed by the ORSAM Adviser Habib Hürmüzlü and which was entitled as “Perspectives About the Objectives of the Turkmen” . In the meeting which was organized as two sessions, the speakers shared their knowledge in the first session; in the second session the negotiators stated their opinions and this session was ended with the question and answer period.
The speakers participating in the meeting:
• Associate. Prof. Dr. Tarık Gündüz,
• Dr. Cüneyt Mengü,
• Hasan Demirci,
• Haydar Hadi Dakuklu,
And the negotiators participating in the meeting:
• Aydın Beyatlı,
• Mehmet Behcet İzzet,
• Adil Selbi,
• Mehmet Suphi
Tarık Gündüz, the first at getting the floor, told that for the aim of reaching an objective the language phenomenon must be protected and it must be transferred from generations to generations. Stating that the objective that was clearly declared in written for the first time by the Turkmen was presented by the National Turkmen Party, Tarik Gündüz said that this objective was about Turkmen’s obtaining their social, cultural, political and economic rights in the territorial integrity of Iraq. Claiming that the objective unity was weak among the Turkmen, Gündüz explained that the Turkmen institutions and the Turkmen leaders in Iraq and the other countries must establish a platform by coming together and draw a road map after agreeing upon the objectives.
Supporting his ideas by giving examples in history, Hasan Demirci who took the floor after Tarık Gündüz, said that the Turkmen proved their existence in the process of history, but the Turkmen abstain from the Iraqi identity, which harms to the Turkmen, and for this reason the Iraqi administration alienates the Turkmen. “For an objective, you need to have belief” said Demirci and added that the Turkmen have an immediate need for a decision mechanism that they believe in. Pointing out that all the groups that shape the Turkmen policy and try to be effective in it have different priorities from each other, Demirci stated that all these priorities must be combined and canalized to a single institution, and all these groups must work collectively.
Haydar Dakuklu, one of the Turkmen students, said that the objectives of societies generally correspond to the social objectives; however the Turkmen do not meet in a common point in terms of the political objectives. Emphasizing that in respect of the current situation, the territorial and national integrity in Iraq has been broken, Davuklu questioned why the Turkmen insist still on the territorial and national integrity of Iraq. Stating that the objectives of the Turkmen must be realistic, sustainable and long termed, Davuklu expressed that the Turkmen must be in agreement in terms of their objectives. Davuklu also mentioned that defending the Turkmeneli Region is of utmost importance and added that the objectives of the societies must be oriented towards the social motivation and the youth.
Defining the objective as an indispensable reason of life for people, Cüneyt Mengü, the final speaker, said that the power should be parallel to the objective. Stating that the first objective of the Turkmen is to be mentioned in the Constitution as the third nation in Iraq, Mengü told that the main objective of the Turkmen must be to obtain some privileges in the regions where there is an intense Turkmen population, which was defined as a legal autonomous by Mengü.
After the speakers, Aydın Beyatlı, one of the negotiators, stated that the strategy and the objective must be dealt separately and the Turkmen have adopted different objectives depending on the conditions of the period. Supporting that it will be more realistic if the Turkmen choose an objective in accordance with their force, Beyatlı said that in the meetings of the opposition during the 1990s all the groups in Iraq had accepted that the Turkmen population constituted the 6% of the Iraq population, and now this percentage of %6 can be brought forward as an administrative, economic, social and political demand. Beyatlı said also that a portion of %6 taken from the Iraqi government will be a significant step for the Turkmen and then the real percentage of the Turkmen existence which is 13% can be demanded.
Another negotiator Mehmet Behçet İzzet said that the foremost objective of the Turkmen is the constitutional recognition. Stating that the Turkmen should be ready for any kind of possibility in Iraq, İzzet argued that there may be a change in Iraq as well like the ones having happened in the Middle East. Expressing that in that context the Turkmen must possess an economic and political force, İzzet opposed to the claim that Turkey has not made any contribution for the Turkmen and said that the Turkmen should consider about what they have demanded from Turkey until today.
One of the Turkmen students, Mehmet Suphi said that the Turkmen youth also must play a role and asked to the Turkmen elders for letting the Turkmen youth for this. Supporting the idea that the Turkmen must be realistic, Suphi claimed that in these conditions the Turkmen do not have enough power to determine their national interests. “The Turkmen policy is indexed to the individuals.” said Suphi and added that every Turkmen politician talk about the necessities, but these necessities are not supplied even by them. “If there is an anthem, a flag, a regional map, why is not this defended?” asked Suphi and underlined the importance of that the Turkmen follow the policies which are appropriate to the current situation.
The final negotiator Adil Selbi emphasized that the first objective of the Turkmen in Iraq is to conserve their existence. Stating that he can draw various strategies, Selbi said that a partnership commission must be founded among the Turkmen institutions for the aim of determining the objectives and the strategies. “The Turkmen must act in an organized manner.” said Selbi and mentioned the importance of strengthening the Turkmen identity. Expressing that the Turkmen have some problems at determining their objectives, Selbi said that there is not a communication or connection among the Turkmen regions, the people living in the Turkmen regions are unaware of each other, and there is rivalry among these regions.
MARCH 9 2011
Discussion about the Objectives of the Turkmen
The 12th of the Meeting of Turkmen Intellectuals which is periodically organized by the ORSAM was held on Saturday, March 5, 2011 in the ORSAM conference hall. The students who are in Turkey for education showed a great interest to the meeting that was directed by the ORSAM Adviser Habib Hürmüzlü and which was entitled as “Perspectives About the Objectives of the Turkmen” . In the meeting which was organized as two sessions, the speakers shared their knowledge in the first session; in the second session the negotiators stated their opinions and this session was ended with the question and answer period.
The speakers participating in the meeting:
• Associate. Prof. Dr. Tarık Gündüz,
• Dr. Cüneyt Mengü,
• Hasan Demirci,
• Haydar Hadi Dakuklu,
And the negotiators participating in the meeting:
• Aydın Beyatlı,
• Mehmet Behcet İzzet,
• Adil Selbi,
• Mehmet Suphi
Tarık Gündüz, the first at getting the floor, told that for the aim of reaching an objective the language phenomenon must be protected and it must be transferred from generations to generations. Stating that the objective that was clearly declared in written for the first time by the Turkmen was presented by the National Turkmen Party, Tarik Gündüz said that this objective was about Turkmen’s obtaining their social, cultural, political and economic rights in the territorial integrity of Iraq. Claiming that the objective unity was weak among the Turkmen, Gündüz explained that the Turkmen institutions and the Turkmen leaders in Iraq and the other countries must establish a platform by coming together and draw a road map after agreeing upon the objectives.
Supporting his ideas by giving examples in history, Hasan Demirci who took the floor after Tarık Gündüz, said that the Turkmen proved their existence in the process of history, but the Turkmen abstain from the Iraqi identity, which harms to the Turkmen, and for this reason the Iraqi administration alienates the Turkmen. “For an objective, you need to have belief” said Demirci and added that the Turkmen have an immediate need for a decision mechanism that they believe in. Pointing out that all the groups that shape the Turkmen policy and try to be effective in it have different priorities from each other, Demirci stated that all these priorities must be combined and canalized to a single institution, and all these groups must work collectively.
Haydar Dakuklu, one of the Turkmen students, said that the objectives of societies generally correspond to the social objectives; however the Turkmen do not meet in a common point in terms of the political objectives. Emphasizing that in respect of the current situation, the territorial and national integrity in Iraq has been broken, Davuklu questioned why the Turkmen insist still on the territorial and national integrity of Iraq. Stating that the objectives of the Turkmen must be realistic, sustainable and long termed, Davuklu expressed that the Turkmen must be in agreement in terms of their objectives. Davuklu also mentioned that defending the Turkmeneli Region is of utmost importance and added that the objectives of the societies must be oriented towards the social motivation and the youth.
Defining the objective as an indispensable reason of life for people, Cüneyt Mengü, the final speaker, said that the power should be parallel to the objective. Stating that the first objective of the Turkmen is to be mentioned in the Constitution as the third nation in Iraq, Mengü told that the main objective of the Turkmen must be to obtain some privileges in the regions where there is an intense Turkmen population, which was defined as a legal autonomous by Mengü.
After the speakers, Aydın Beyatlı, one of the negotiators, stated that the strategy and the objective must be dealt separately and the Turkmen have adopted different objectives depending on the conditions of the period. Supporting that it will be more realistic if the Turkmen choose an objective in accordance with their force, Beyatlı said that in the meetings of the opposition during the 1990s all the groups in Iraq had accepted that the Turkmen population constituted the 6% of the Iraq population, and now this percentage of %6 can be brought forward as an administrative, economic, social and political demand. Beyatlı said also that a portion of %6 taken from the Iraqi government will be a significant step for the Turkmen and then the real percentage of the Turkmen existence which is 13% can be demanded.
Another negotiator Mehmet Behçet İzzet said that the foremost objective of the Turkmen is the constitutional recognition. Stating that the Turkmen should be ready for any kind of possibility in Iraq, İzzet argued that there may be a change in Iraq as well like the ones having happened in the Middle East. Expressing that in that context the Turkmen must possess an economic and political force, İzzet opposed to the claim that Turkey has not made any contribution for the Turkmen and said that the Turkmen should consider about what they have demanded from Turkey until today.
One of the Turkmen students, Mehmet Suphi said that the Turkmen youth also must play a role and asked to the Turkmen elders for letting the Turkmen youth for this. Supporting the idea that the Turkmen must be realistic, Suphi claimed that in these conditions the Turkmen do not have enough power to determine their national interests. “The Turkmen policy is indexed to the individuals.” said Suphi and added that every Turkmen politician talk about the necessities, but these necessities are not supplied even by them. “If there is an anthem, a flag, a regional map, why is not this defended?” asked Suphi and underlined the importance of that the Turkmen follow the policies which are appropriate to the current situation.
The final negotiator Adil Selbi emphasized that the first objective of the Turkmen in Iraq is to conserve their existence. Stating that he can draw various strategies, Selbi said that a partnership commission must be founded among the Turkmen institutions for the aim of determining the objectives and the strategies. “The Turkmen must act in an organized manner.” said Selbi and mentioned the importance of strengthening the Turkmen identity. Expressing that the Turkmen have some problems at determining their objectives, Selbi said that there is not a communication or connection among the Turkmen regions, the people living in the Turkmen regions are unaware of each other, and there is rivalry among these regions.
MARCH 9 2011
IRAK’TA MEVCUT SİYASİ DURUM VE ÖNEMLİ SİYASİ GELİŞMELER
IRAK’TA MEVCUT SİYASİ DURUM VE ÖNEMLİ SİYASİ GELİŞMELER (TR )
Modern Irak devleti kuruluşundan itibaren güçlü aşiret konfederasyonları tarafından yönetilmiştir. Irak’ın işgalinden sonra eski rejime bağlı aşiretlerin bir kısmı direnişe katılmış, bir kısmı ise farklı siyasi çevreler üzerinden kendisine siyasi yelpazede yer bulmuştur. Bugün Irak parlamentosunda ve vilayet meclislerinde çok sayıda aşiret reisi ya da önde geleninin görev yaptığı gözlenmektedir.
Savaştan sonra Irak iç politikasında ön plana çıkan temel gerçeklik, ülkenin etnik ve mezhepsel çizgilerle birbirinden ayrılmaya başladığı ve ülkedeki siyasal oluşumların da bunun önünü açtığıdır.Eski rejimin hakim gücü olarak görülen Sünni Araplar savaş ertesinde Irak siyasal yaşamından dışlanmaya başlamıştır.
Ancak, direnişe askeri anlamda çözüm bulunamamasının sonucunda, Sünni Arapların sisteme döndürülmesi süreci hayata geçirilmiştir. 2010 yılındaki genel seçimde ise Sünni Araplar yanlarına bazı milliyetçi Şii Arapları da alarak El Irakiye adlı bir koalisyon oluşturmuş ve bu koalisyon seçimden birincilikle çıkmıştır. Koalisyonun başbakan adayı Eyad Allavi yapılan pazarlıklar ve İran’ın karşı çıkması sonucunda hükümeti kurmakla görevlendirilmemiştir.
ABD’nin Saddam Hüseyin’i devirmesinden sonra Şiiler Irak’ı yönetmek için tarihî bir fırsat yakalamışlardır. Şiiler, yeni Irak yönetiminde yer alma ve Irak’ta “başat olma” hedefini benimsemiştir. Ancak, Iraklı Şiiler siyasal tutum ve görüş açısından bir bütünlük içerisinde değildir.
Iraklı Kürtlerin işgal sonrasında altı ayaklı bir strateji izlemektedirler. Bunlar; işgal sayesinde elde ettikleri ABD desteğini yitirmemek, 1991’den beri Kuzey Irak’ta elde ettikleri kazanımları korumak, bölge ülkelerini Irak’ın iç işlerinin dışında tutmak, birleşik bir liderlik yaratmak ve kendi bölgelerinde tam kontrolü sağlamak, diğer grupların zaaflarından yararlanarak Irak içinde çeşitli ad hoc ittifaklar kurmak, bölgedeki diğer Kürtlerle yakın ilişkiler geliştirmeye çalışmak ve onlar üzerinde etkili olmaktır.2010 yılında yapılan seçimin sonucunda hiçbir parti tek başına iktidar olabilecek kadar çok milletvekili çıkartamamıştır. ABD ve İran’ın baskıları diğer yandan partiler arasındaki güç dengesi nedeniyle ulusal birlik hükümeti kurulması kararlaştırılmıştır.
Özellikle son dönemde Ortadoğu ülkelerini sarsan ayaklanmaların Irak’a yansımasıyla hükümetin sorgulanması sonucunda yeni koalisyon arayışlarına girebilir. Bu nedenle mevcut Irak hükümeti istikrarlı gibi görünse de istikrarsızlığa açıktır.Günümüz Irak siyasetinde öne çıkan sorunlar; güvenlik, Kerkük sorunu ve Ortadoğu’daki gelişmelerin Irak’a yansıması şeklinde sıralanabilir.
Özellikle son dönemde Ortadoğu ülkelerini sarsan ayaklanmaların Irak’a yansımasıyla hükümetin sorgulanması sonucunda yeni koalisyon arayışlarına girebilir. Bu nedenle mevcut Irak hükümeti istikrarlı gibi görünse de istikrarsızlığa açıktır.Günümüz Irak siyasetinde öne çıkan sorunlar; güvenlik, Kerkük sorunu ve Ortadoğu’daki gelişmelerin Irak’a yansıması şeklinde sıralanabilir.
mercredi 16 mars 2011
ITF EU Representative informs MEP about the latest developments in Turkmeneli
At the D-IQ meeting on 14th March 2011 at the EU Parliament, Dr. AYDINLI updated The Chair Mr. Struan STEVENSON about the latest developments in Iraq in general and in Turkmeneli and Kerkuk Province in particular, especially since the demonstrations of 25th February 2011 which took place in Kerkuk and all over Iraq, asking for better services (electricity, water); asking to put an end to corruption; asking for the improvement of food rationing; asking for employment opportunities for tens of thousands of graduates who have been out of work since years; asking for a fair distribution of wealth in Iraq.
Dr. Aydinli informed MEP Struan Stevenson and denounced the following:
1. Barzani’s decision to send 5000 Peshmerga in and around Kerkuk city, pretending it was to protect Kerkuk’s inhabitants from terrorist attacks, while in reality it is to further increase Kurdish hegemony in Kerkuk city and Kerkuk Province in general.
2. The unacceptable declaration of Jelal Talabani, the “President of the Republic of Iraq” about Kerkuk and its belonging, that Kerkuk is the “Jerusalem of the Kurds” and asking the Kurdish demonstrators to calm down in order for him to incorporate Kerkuk into the Kurdish region.
3. The unwillingness of the Iraqi authorities to resolve the property claims for thousands of dispossessed Turkmens, despite the creation of the Property Claims Commission since 2004 and the allocation of 200 million USD to compensate the illegally dispossessed Iraqi citizens under the Baath regime.
Dr. Aydinli informed MEP Struan Stevenson that the Turkmen Representative in the Iraqi Parliament had demanded the withdrawal of the Peshmerga from Kerkuk, as there is no legal justification for the presence of Kurdish Peshmerga outside the Kurdish autonomous region.
Dr. Aydinli asked the Chair to inform his colleagues and to put pressure on the Iraqi government to take the necessary measures to stop these abnormalities and irregularities happening in Turkmeneli, against the will of the Turkmens.
Dr. Aydinli informed MEP Struan Stevenson and denounced the following:
1. Barzani’s decision to send 5000 Peshmerga in and around Kerkuk city, pretending it was to protect Kerkuk’s inhabitants from terrorist attacks, while in reality it is to further increase Kurdish hegemony in Kerkuk city and Kerkuk Province in general.
2. The unacceptable declaration of Jelal Talabani, the “President of the Republic of Iraq” about Kerkuk and its belonging, that Kerkuk is the “Jerusalem of the Kurds” and asking the Kurdish demonstrators to calm down in order for him to incorporate Kerkuk into the Kurdish region.
3. The unwillingness of the Iraqi authorities to resolve the property claims for thousands of dispossessed Turkmens, despite the creation of the Property Claims Commission since 2004 and the allocation of 200 million USD to compensate the illegally dispossessed Iraqi citizens under the Baath regime.
Dr. Aydinli informed MEP Struan Stevenson that the Turkmen Representative in the Iraqi Parliament had demanded the withdrawal of the Peshmerga from Kerkuk, as there is no legal justification for the presence of Kurdish Peshmerga outside the Kurdish autonomous region.
Dr. Aydinli asked the Chair to inform his colleagues and to put pressure on the Iraqi government to take the necessary measures to stop these abnormalities and irregularities happening in Turkmeneli, against the will of the Turkmens.
Barzani prevent people from Slemani entering Erbil
Kurdishaspect.com - By Shwan Zulal
Many news papers and individuals are reporting that if people from Slemani (Sulaimaniyah) try to enter Erbil, the check points set up by KDP would not let them through. Many students and businessmen have been turned away from entering the capital last night and today. This has not happened in Kurdistan even at the time when Saddam was in power. This cowardly act by the authorities amounts to a clear discrimination and an absolute contempt to the rule of law. What people in Kurdistan are witnessing is history repeating itself. Because, it is clear the people who are responsible for this ill conceived initiative, are the same people who went to bed with Saddam in 1996 and brought back the dictator to Kurdistan in order to save their own skins.
Maidani Azadi protesters have declared that on 16 March, they intent to go to Erbil and start protest in the Capital. The Authorities in Erbil have reacted by stopping anyone from Slemani and the surrounding areas entering the Erbil and areas north of it. This overreactions by KDP further exposes the length the authorities in Erbil are will to go to cling on to power. Behaving in this manner angers the public further and shows that the current people running Kurdistan Region are only interested in protecting their seats rather than having the interest of people in mind.
Meanwhile PUK forces have been reported to have kicked and battered protesters in Said-Sadiq and shots have also been heard in the town. There are reports of 4 injuries in the town including a Journalist who has suffered a fractured arm and ribs. This act of thuggery continues while yesterday the PM has said sorry for the past weeks heavy handed approach by the security forces. Today's incidents only confirms that PM and KRG does not have any real powers and the militia is in charge.
The strongest opposition movement, Goran have said that they are willing to sit down and talk to the main two political parties but earlier today Sbeiy media has been reporting that Goran office in Khanaqin have been attacked and their officials have been arrested. Barzani and Taliban are calling for calm while at the same time they are the only ones who have been violating laws, attacking people and ransacking property.
The protests are continuing in Slemani, Chamchamal, Koya Said-Sadiq and most of Slemani and Garmyan area. The actions of both incumbent parties are making the protesters even more determined and resolute to carry on protesting and bring an end to this irresponsible government and shambolic state of affairs.
http://www.kurdishaspect.com/doc031611SZ.html
Many news papers and individuals are reporting that if people from Slemani (Sulaimaniyah) try to enter Erbil, the check points set up by KDP would not let them through. Many students and businessmen have been turned away from entering the capital last night and today. This has not happened in Kurdistan even at the time when Saddam was in power. This cowardly act by the authorities amounts to a clear discrimination and an absolute contempt to the rule of law. What people in Kurdistan are witnessing is history repeating itself. Because, it is clear the people who are responsible for this ill conceived initiative, are the same people who went to bed with Saddam in 1996 and brought back the dictator to Kurdistan in order to save their own skins.
Maidani Azadi protesters have declared that on 16 March, they intent to go to Erbil and start protest in the Capital. The Authorities in Erbil have reacted by stopping anyone from Slemani and the surrounding areas entering the Erbil and areas north of it. This overreactions by KDP further exposes the length the authorities in Erbil are will to go to cling on to power. Behaving in this manner angers the public further and shows that the current people running Kurdistan Region are only interested in protecting their seats rather than having the interest of people in mind.
Meanwhile PUK forces have been reported to have kicked and battered protesters in Said-Sadiq and shots have also been heard in the town. There are reports of 4 injuries in the town including a Journalist who has suffered a fractured arm and ribs. This act of thuggery continues while yesterday the PM has said sorry for the past weeks heavy handed approach by the security forces. Today's incidents only confirms that PM and KRG does not have any real powers and the militia is in charge.
The strongest opposition movement, Goran have said that they are willing to sit down and talk to the main two political parties but earlier today Sbeiy media has been reporting that Goran office in Khanaqin have been attacked and their officials have been arrested. Barzani and Taliban are calling for calm while at the same time they are the only ones who have been violating laws, attacking people and ransacking property.
The protests are continuing in Slemani, Chamchamal, Koya Said-Sadiq and most of Slemani and Garmyan area. The actions of both incumbent parties are making the protesters even more determined and resolute to carry on protesting and bring an end to this irresponsible government and shambolic state of affairs.
http://www.kurdishaspect.com/doc031611SZ.html
lundi 14 mars 2011
Ghent Charter gains momentum in an International Conference
Ghent Charter gains momentum in an International Conference
A 3-day Conference at Ghent University 9-11 March 2011, examined the background and current facts of the ongoing catastrophe in Iraqi academy and education in general, notably the targeted killing of academics, and formulated initial key proposals for actions by various national and international bodies.
The Conference, organised by BRussells Tribunal together with MENARG – Middle East and North Africa Research Group of the Ghent university in collaboration with many other organisations, started with a solemn ceremony of the signing of the Ghent Charter in defence of Iraqi Academics at the historic Peristilium of the Ghent Aula by prominent Belgian and Iraqi academics and other personalities. This was followed by the formal presentation of the signed document to a UNESCO representative.
Up to 200 participants attended the conference’s opening ceremony and sessions, worked in group to discuss the 30 plus papers presented, and then in workshops to formulate recommendations. Iraqi contributions comprised about half of the total proceedings. It was an example of a commitment across the world to defend academic freedoms and education in general, working and pressuring international bodies on a substantive basis. This is a key public-responsibility role of all universities especially on issues that may be forgotten by media, as is the case with Iraq. The assassination of Iraqi academics continues, and so is the decimation of Iraqi schooling, so that keeping the issue alive is a concern for all citizens, especially educationists.
A 3-day Conference at Ghent University 9-11 March 2011, examined the background and current facts of the ongoing catastrophe in Iraqi academy and education in general, notably the targeted killing of academics, and formulated initial key proposals for actions by various national and international bodies.
The Conference, organised by BRussells Tribunal together with MENARG – Middle East and North Africa Research Group of the Ghent university in collaboration with many other organisations, started with a solemn ceremony of the signing of the Ghent Charter in defence of Iraqi Academics at the historic Peristilium of the Ghent Aula by prominent Belgian and Iraqi academics and other personalities. This was followed by the formal presentation of the signed document to a UNESCO representative.
Up to 200 participants attended the conference’s opening ceremony and sessions, worked in group to discuss the 30 plus papers presented, and then in workshops to formulate recommendations. Iraqi contributions comprised about half of the total proceedings. It was an example of a commitment across the world to defend academic freedoms and education in general, working and pressuring international bodies on a substantive basis. This is a key public-responsibility role of all universities especially on issues that may be forgotten by media, as is the case with Iraq. The assassination of Iraqi academics continues, and so is the decimation of Iraqi schooling, so that keeping the issue alive is a concern for all citizens, especially educationists.
The search for justice in Iraq includes seeking compensation for the crimes committed by the occupying powers, with education being a main area for such recompense. Without Iraq’s academics and educated middle class, a viable Iraqi society cannot be built.
A unique feature of the conference was the participation of 35 Iraqi academics and activists from inside the country and the Diaspora. There was a close attention to the contributions of colleagues from inside Iraq. Their special situation was fully recognised as seeking reforms to unroll the effects of occupation and stop the ongoing campaign of murder and destruction of education through dealing with the de-facto powers. At the same time there was an insistence in upholding the principles of truth, and of international and humanitarian law in all possible ways.
A unique feature of the conference was the participation of 35 Iraqi academics and activists from inside the country and the Diaspora. There was a close attention to the contributions of colleagues from inside Iraq. Their special situation was fully recognised as seeking reforms to unroll the effects of occupation and stop the ongoing campaign of murder and destruction of education through dealing with the de-facto powers. At the same time there was an insistence in upholding the principles of truth, and of international and humanitarian law in all possible ways.
A creative aspect of the conference was that the recorded proceedings of discussion in the first two days, and the fringe meetings, were summarised overnight into lists of key points that were then presented in two workshops with the specific aim of drafting of proposals during the third day. These proposals are currently being refined with a view to address them to UNESCO, UNICEF, other international and regional bodies, agencies and NGOs, the media and the public.
Against the back drop of the ongoing revolutions in the Middle East and news of mass demonstrations all over Iraq, the final speeches expressed the hope that one day Iraq also will know peace, justice and freedom.
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