samedi 20 juin 2009

BIASED BBC HAS GOT IT WRONG AGAIN!!

BBC’s misleading reporting of the bomb explosion in Taza Hurmatu:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/8110807.stm

CORRECTIONS :

1) The attack took place in the Turkmen city of TAZA HURMATU, which is situated in KERKUK province.

2) The Turkmens are not a minority in TAZA HURMATU they are the majority, in fact TAZA HURMATU is exclusively inhabited by Turkmens.

3) Turkmens are NOT a minority in Iraq!
The Turkmens are Iraq’s third main community and the North of Iraq’s second main community.

When will you get it right????

It’s always been a British habit to diminish the Turkmens’ presence in Iraq for “geopolitical and economical reasons” but enough is enough.

Your bias makes me sick!

BOMB EXPLOSION IN THE TURKMEN CITY OF TAZA HURMATU



TURKMENS TARGETED IN TAZA HURMATU

June 20, 2009

A bomb which was placed in a truck exploded outside a mosque in TAZA HURMATU earlier today, causing many victims and injuring over 120 people.

Dr. Sadettin Ergeç, President of the Iraqi Turkmen Front, has appeared on Turkmeneli TV, he said that it is not the first time that Turkmens are targeted, there have been bomb explosions in Taza Khurmatu before, also in Telafer, Amirli, Tuz Hurmatu, Kerkuk, etc.

Dr. Ergeç addressing the Iraqi Prime Minister and the Iraqi government authorities demanded that they either provide adequate protection for the Turkmens or that they give them the means to defend themselves.

It’s a scene of nightmare, people using their bare hands to search for victims under the rubble.
The wounded are taken to the nearby hospital, children are among the injured.
Doctors have launched and urgent appeal for people to come to the hospital to give some blood.

Turkmeneli TV live coverage:
ttp://turkmenelitv.com/v5/index.php?option=com_wrapper&Itemid=34

IRAQ BORN TEEN, MOHAMMED AL-TOUMAIMI, CRACKED A MATHS PUZZLE

Friday, May 29, 2009
http://iraqiscientists.blogspot.com/

A 16-year-old Iraqi immigrant living in Sweden has cracked a maths puzzle that has stumped experts for more than 300 years, Swedish media reported on Thursday.

In just four months, Mohamed Altoumaimi has found a formula to explain and simplify the so-called Bernoulli numbers, a sequence of calculations named after the 17th century Swiss mathematician Jacob Bernoulli, the Dagens Nyheter daily said.

Altoumaimi, who came to Sweden six years ago, said teachers at his high school in Falun, central Sweden were not convinced about his work at first."When I first showed it to my teachers, none of them thought the formula I had written down really worked," Altoumaimi told the Falu Kuriren newspaper.

He then got in touch with professors at Uppsala University, one of Sweden's top institutions, to ask them to check his work.

After going through his notebooks, the professors found his work was indeed correct and offered him a place in Uppsala.But for now, Altoumaimi is focusing on his school studies and plans to take summer classes in advanced mathematics and physics this year."

Iraq-born teen cracks maths puzzle, May 28, 2009

jeudi 18 juin 2009

Some In Kerkuk Fear Kurds Will Replace U.S. Forces



Some In Kerkuk Fear Kurds Will Replace U.S. Forces

June 18, 2009
KERKUK, Iraq -- Turkoman and Arab politicians in the multiethnic Iraqi city of Kirkuk are concerned that Kurdish forces will fill the void after U.S. forces leave, RFE/RL's Radio Free Iraq reports.


Ali Mahdi, a spokesman for the Turkoman bloc on the Kirkuk provincial council, said that when U.S. forces withdraw on June 30 "we want the government to replace them with Iraqi forces from the middle and south because Kirkuk's security forces are predominantly Kurdish."


Muhammad Khalil al-Juburi, a member of the provincial council's Arab bloc, said that most of the Arab fighters fighting Al-Qaeda as members of the Awakening Councils "are stationed outside the city of Kirkuk and until all ethnic groups are fairly represented in the city’s security agencies and administration, we propose that Iraqi forces replace U.S. troops."


But Layla Hassan, a member of the Kurdish bloc on the council, said the Turkoman and Arab concerns are "unfounded" and deploying Arab forces from the south would be "counterproductive." She added that "such a move would be unconstitutional as Kirkuk is recognized by all parties as a disputed area." U.S. forces have often been called on to mediate ethnic confrontations in the oil-rich region.

http://www.rferl.org/content/Some_In_Kirkuk_Fear_Kurds_Will_Replace_US_Forces/1757185.html

mardi 16 juin 2009

Türkmenoğlu Ve Petroloğulları


Türkmenoğlu Ve Petroloğulları

Bir süreden beri dillerde dolaşan 6 harfli bir kelime var (AÇILIM)….
Aslında anlamı güzel bir kelime ..Benim anladığıma göre yani kapalı kalmamak her keşle görüşmek sorunları çözmek kendi ve karşı tarafın menfaatini düşünmek…

Yüz yıllardır Irak` ta yaşayan Türkmenoğlu her türlü soykırım ve mezalimlere uğradı , kimler yaptı bu zumlu herkesçe malumdur, niye yapıldı da herkesçe bellidir ama hatırlatmakta fayda var ..Türk oldukları için ve Türkiye”yi sevdikleri için…

Bu 100 yılda hiç kimse bir açılım yapalım gerek duymadı ..Duymamak tada haklılar çünkü biz Türkmenler bunu hak etmedik…Hükümetlere karşı çıkmadık , Asker öldürmedik, çetelik yapmadık, yol kesmedik, vatanı böldürmek isteyenlere yardım etmedik. İyi vatandaş olduk..En önemlisi Babamızın sözünü tuttuk…Babamız hep dedi ben varken siz endişe etmeyen ..Bizde yedik içtik yattık babamız var dedik…

Sonradan farkına vardım meğer benim babam adı Türkmen …bende Türkmen oğluyum ve artık bu soyadların geçerlilik süresi bitmiştir hatta kullanması suç olmuştur , çünkü açılım yolunda engel olmaktadır...Ama bir sorun var Türkmenoğlularının topraklarında kara altın var ve açılım engelini aşmak için baba dedi ki ben bu oğulları parçalıyım hem kendi kendilerini yesinler hem de düşmanlarına kolay yem olsunlar akan kanla ve ellerinden alınan toprakları dartarak petrole çevirip, hem kedi teslim etmeyenlere hem de avrupaya iyi bir Açılım olsun…Vay Baba vay…

Son günlerde de iyi tanıdığımız bir soyadı Irak bekliyor ..Davut oğlu..Bağdat Basra ve Erbil e gidecekmiş..Türkmen oğullarını ve Kerkük nerde belki soracakmış, ve altı yıldır Türkmen oğlunu göz göre göre ezen petrol oğullarıyla toplanacakmış...

Türkmenoğluları der ki.

1.Türkmen hareketini ıslah etmeden
2.Altı yıldır gasp edilen haklarımı geri alıp ve hesabı sorulmadan. 3.Kerkük özel statü ya kavuşmadan…


Türkmen oğulları hakkınız helal etmeyecek….

Ali Mehdi
11.06.2009

Skewed and in secret, this Iraq inquiry is a scandal

Jonathan Steele

We badly need to learn from the most important foreign policy decision of the last decade. This tissue won't help us

June 15, 2009
Gordon Brown's ­announcement of a secret inquiry into the runup to and conduct of Britain's invasion and occupation of Iraq (not the nouns he used, of course) is scandalous.

First, the manner of his decision. Just last week the prime minister committed himself to a new spirit of public accountability, cross-party consultation on electoral and parliamentary reform, as well as a greater and more independent role for backbenchers and select committees. Now he promptly goes against all that when it comes to looking into the most important foreign policy decision of the last decade.

Does he seriously imagine he can ­dictate its mandate and procedure on his own? At the very least, he should have discussed these issues with the leaders of the other parties first. Better still, he should allow a day's debate in parliament on it. It is not too late to do so, provided he makes clear he is ready to listen to MPs and adjust his decision.

Second, there is Brown's ­rejection of a public inquiry. This runs full square against the mood of the times. How can crucial issues of past public policy be investigated in private? The inquiry is not looking into future policy, or even current policy. It is examining ­history. Had Brown or his cabinet ­secretary consulted Lords Butler and Hutton, chairmen of the last two ­inquiries into aspects of the Iraq war, he would almost certainly find that they too believe any new inquiry should take public evidence on all points except a small number where intelligence could be compromised.

Brown cites the Franks inquiry into the runup to the Falkands war as the right precedent but the security and diplomatic framework in 1983 was different. The British victory in the South Atlantic did not end the dispute with Argentina over the sovereignty of the Falklands. The prewar advice of ­officials to ministers and the content of discussions in Whitehall were still sensitive after the war, and to have revealed details might have damaged Britain's position.
In Iraq, similar considerations do not apply. Saddam is gone, and there is no harm in revealing what arguments there were for or against ­overthrowing his regime, and whether a postwar ­occupation should be short or long.

There are complex choices to make. In broad terms, one kind of inquiry – and what many families of fallen ­British troops want – would seek to settle accounts by naming all those who took the key decisions, both officials as well as ministers. Another type of inquiry would be aimed at lesson-learning.

What were the mechanics of the Whitehall process which prevented ministers from being given well-founded advice on what an invasion would be likely to lead to? Was it the fault of Foreign Office Arabists and intelligence analysts who did not foresee resistance and failed to offer ministers a range of options for the post-invasion period – including the proposal that power should be handed to Iraqis as quickly as possible once Saddam was ousted? Was it the fault of ministers for not asking the right questions and not calling for expert analysis of the scenarios regime change would probably bring?

Ministers rightly assumed an invasion would topple the regime quickly, given the massive superiority of US and British weaponry. Did they not pause to think that winning the peace would be a much harder task, given that al-Qaida would seek to exploit the arrival of foreign troops and that no country likes being occupied, especially if its people are Arabs and the occupiers are non-Muslim westerners with a long, bitterly contested history of intervention? Was there no analysis of the effects on Britain's domestic security as well as its reputation in the Middle East and beyond?

My own view is that an account-­settling inquiry is not the best route to follow. It would probably discourage witnesses from being candid or providing documentation. It would give an essentially punitive air to proceedings and lead at best to buck-passing between officials and ministers, and at worst to a media-stimulated search for heads to roll. The wider issue is to ensure that Britain enters no such "war of choice" again. For that to happen, it is better to concentrate on understanding how and why the government made a judgment that most British people consider to have been flawed.

There is a compromise. A proper inquiry would deal with the legal and as well as the policy advice given to cabinet. That would cover the legality of the invasion – a question previous inquiries have not examined. If the inquiry concluded that legal advice was weak or flawed, this could open the door for families to take civil court proceedings.

The key issue is that the inquiry must be held in public. No doubt Brown is afraid that hearings on the Iraq war could damage Labour's chances in the runup to a general election. Labour's chances are slim at best but exposure of the government's decision-making before and after the Iraq war is not going to swing many votes. What might swing more votes to Labour would be evidence that the government is thinking about learning lessons for the future and inviting the public into the discussion. That would show real respect for democracy.


www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2009/jun/15/secret-iraq-inquiry-gordon-brown

dimanche 14 juin 2009

Kurdish expansionism in Kerkuk: no respect for Turkmen cemetery

THE KURDS HAVE SET THEIR EYES ON TURKMEN GRAVES
By/Savaş TAZELİ


It has been found out that the Kurds will build a shopping mall in an area where stands a graveyard in Kirkuk’s Musallah neighborhood. According to received information, some graves have been destroyed by earthmovers.

In the statement of the Iraqi Turkmen Front on the issue, it was asserted that efforts would be undertaken to stop the project as the construction site did not belong to the Kirkuk Foundations Directorate.

Najat Hussein, a member of the Turkmen Bloc in Kirkuk Provincial Council explained that “lately the Kurds had begun to seize the lands in Kirkuk and an estate of 650 m2 was rented to a citizen of Kurdish origin from Jamjamal district upon his recent request from the Sunni Foundation to build a shop in an area nearby the Musallah graveyard, but that he occupied an additional 900 m2 of land without the Foundation’s knowledge”.

Meanwhile, it was stated that a protest demonstration was organized in Musallah neighborhood by Turkmens who reacted against this practice on grounds that traces of the Turkmens were destroyed. The graves which were removed with earthmovers includes graves which belong to the Turkmens as well as the tomb of the Kirkuk Turkmen popular hero Noureddin Imam who fought back the British occupation after World War I. Additionally, there are also accounts that the Kirkuk based familial registers of some Turkmen families are being transferred to Baghdad city without their knowledge.

It has been stated that the Iraq Human Rights Center have reported this human rights violation which is an encroachment to Turkmen’s cultural rights, in written form to the Baghdad office of the UN Assistance Mission in Iraq (UNAMI), Human Rights Commission of the Iraqi Parliament, the Ministry of Justice and the Ministry of Human Rights, and that a request for investigation was made.

lundi 1 juin 2009

Elections régionales au Kurdistan irakien

Jalal Talabani et Massoud Barzani: chefs politico-maffieux


Elections régionales au Kurdistan irakien
BULLETIN DES AMITIES FRANCO-IRAKIENNES
AFI FLASH
n°93
2 juin 2009

Article publié dans Afrique-Asie de juin 2009


Elections régionales au Kurdistan irakien
LES KURDES ENTRE RESSENTIMENT ET COLERE


Le Kurdistan irakien, présenté dans certains médias comme une base avancée de la démocratie au Proche-Orient, retient son souffle. Massoud Barzani, président de la région autonome, a annoncé, après plusieurs reports justifiés par de soi disant problèmes budgétaires, que les élections au parlement régional se tiendront le 25 juillet prochain : 2,5 millions d’électeurs seront appelés aux urnes, et plus de 40 listes seront en lice pour 111 sièges. Voilà pour la façade.

Pour le reste, le plus important pour la population de la région, la situation est préoccupante, sinon catastrophique, que ce soit au plan économique qu’en matière de droits de l’homme. Les membres des tribus Barzani et Talabani trustent les postes décisionnels et dilapident les richesses régionales. Certes, les grandes villes ont des aéroports neufs, des hôtels cinq étoiles, mais l’électricité manque, les services médicaux sont déficients et l’enseignement laissé à l’abandon, ou presque. La corruption bat son plein et des groupes maffieux liés au pouvoir gèrent la contrebande, le trafic de drogue en provenance d’Afghanistan, et l’exportation clandestine de pétrole. L’immigration vers l’Union européenne semble le seul espoir de lendemains meilleurs pour toute une partie de la jeunesse. Moushiwan Mustapha, ancien n°2 de l’UPK (Union Populaire du Kurdistan) dont il a été le fondateur avec Jalal Talabani, compare le système mis en place après 2003 à celui de la Roumanie sous Ceausescu !

Abus de pouvoir, corruption et prisons secrètes

Les médias, à quelques exceptions près, sont aux ordres des deux grands partis. Les journalistes indépendants ne peuvent pas adhérer au syndicat officiel, et la moindre critique provoque en retour intimidations, arrestations et amendes. A Kirkouk, menacée d’annexion, la journaliste Soran Mama Hama, a été assassinée pour avoir critiqué les services sécuritaires kurdes. D’autres, à Erbil et Soulimaniya, ont échappé à des attentats pour avoir dénoncé les abus de pouvoir et la corruption. Pour la publication d’informations dites « confidentielles », Adib Aref, rédacteur en chef du quotidien kurde Hawlati, a été qualifié en 2008 de « traître au service de l’étranger » par le secrétariat de Barzani. Jalal Talabani, en tant que président de la République, s’en est pris aussi à lui, en lui intentant un procès pour avoir publié, en kurde, un rapport du chercheur américain Michael Rubin, qui lui déplaisait. L’ex-chef de guerre, que le légendaire Mustapha Barzani comparait à un scorpion, n’a évidemment rien du « George Washington irakien » vanté par le département d’Etat étasunien.

La sécurité – toute relative – ne prévaut au Kurdistan qu’au prix d’arrestations et d’incarcérations dans les prisons secrètes du ministère de l’Intérieur de la région autonome et des services secrets du PDK (Parti démocratique du Kurdistan, de Massoud Barzani) ou de l’UPK. Masrour Barzani, fils du président de la région, chef du Parastin, le SR du PDK, se croit tout permis. En février 2006, à Vienne, il aurait fait tabasser par ses gardes du corps à Vienne Kamal Saïd Qadir – citoyen autrichien – connu pour ses articles attaquant la nomenklatura d’Erbil. Arrêté lors d’un séjour au Kurdistan en 2005, cet intellectuel avait été condamné à … 30 ans de prison, puis libéré quelques mois plus tard grâce aux pressions exercées par l’Autriche sur le président kurde.

Test de popularité grandeur nature

La liste Kurdistan, du duo Barzani-Talabani, emportera-t-elle les élections ? L’UPK, en perte de vitesse, tire le PDK vers le bas. Bien qu’elle peut compter sur les voix de tribus qui leur ont fait allégeance, de nouvelles forces apparaissent, issues de la mouvance islamique ou inspirées par le PKK, l’organisation séparatiste kurde de Turquie. Kamal Saïd Qadir s’est déclaré candidat. Moushiwan Mustapha, qui dirige le groupe de presse Wisha Media Corporation, se présente en alternative sérieuse. Considéré comme « l’enfant terrible » du nationalisme kurde irakien, il concourra, avec Jawhar Namiq, membre de la direction du PDK qui l’a rejoint, sous l’étiquette du « Changement ». Sa liste peut compter sur le soutien du quotidien Rozhnama et de KNN-TV qui lui appartiennent. Mais, cette dernière n’émet que 7 heures par jour, peu à côté des chaînes radio et télévisées de l’alliance Barzani –Talabani avec leurs dix satellites émettant 24 heures sur 24. Mais, indication qui ne trompe pas, la défiance des Kurdes pour leurs dirigeants, un sondage effectué par Hawlati le 12 mai, place la liste du Changement en tête avec 59,3% des voix, suivie par celle des Quatre Partis qui regroupe des mouvements islamique et de gauche (19%). La liste Kurdistan ne dépasserait pas les 20%.

Qotab Talabani, le très contesté « ambassadeur » kurde aux Etats-Unis, a beau exhorter la diaspora kurde à dépasser ses ressentiments, la décision du Gouvernement Régional Kurde (KRG) de ne pas appeler à voter les électeurs résidant à l’étranger, jugés trop frondeurs, est du plus mauvais effet. Depuis plusieurs décennies, les Barzani et Talabani ont fait miroiter aux yeux des Kurdes les bienfaits de la démocratie et de l’indépendance. Pour ce qui est des libertés, depuis l’agression américaine de 2003, la population ne se fait plus d’illusions. Depuis qu’en mars dernier, Jalal Talabani a jugé « impossible » l’accession du Kurdistan irakien à l’indépendance, et réduit les vieilles revendications séparatistes kurdes à un « rêve poétique », le désenchantement transcende tout l’éventail politique. Quel que soit le résultat des élections en juillet, la stabilité dans cette région d’Irak est des plus incertaines.


La Région autonome du Kurdistan irakien

La division des Kurdes irakiens, dues à des inimitiés ancestrales entre tribus, clans, ou aux ambitions personnelles de dirigeants politiques, a toujours entretenu dans cette partie de l’Irak, une confusion propice aux interventions étrangères. L’Union soviétique, les Etats-Unis, Israël, l’Iran, la Syrie ou la Turquie s’y sont souvent affrontés, ou s’y affrontent toujours, par chefs kurdes interposés.
En arrivant au pouvoir à Bagdad, en juillet 1968, le parti Baas avait pour objectif prioritaire de rétablir la paix entre irakiens en réglant définitivement le problème kurde, en partant du principe que leurs aspirations étaient « naturelles et légitimes ».
Le 11 mars 1970, une proclamation jetant les bases de rapports nouveaux entre Arabes et Kurdes a été rendue publique, suivie en 1974 par l’octroi d’un statut d’autonomie interne pour les gouvernorats de Soulimaniya, Erbil et Dohouk, qui formèrent la Région autonome du Kurdistan.
A cette époque, Mustapha Barzani – père de Massoud – qui avait négocié le projet avec Saddam Hussein, alors vice-président, et qui y était favorable, changea brusquement de position en revendiquant les puits de pétrole de Kirkouk, sous la pression du Chah d’Iran, d’Henry Kissinger et d’Israël. Il proposa même à Washington de faire du Kurdistan… un Etat américain ! Aujourd’hui, après bien des péripéties et des dizaines de milliers de morts, la situation a certes évoluée, mais pour se ressembler. Cruellement.


Les services secrets kurdes font la loi

Le Parastin, service secret du PDK, et le Dazgay Zaniyari, celui de l’UPK, sont dirigés respectivement par Masrour Barzani et Pavel Talabani, fils des présidents inamovibles de ces partis. Ils coordonnent plus ou moins leurs activités de répression avec l’Asayish, organe officiel de sécurité de la Région autonome, fondé en 1993.
Le Parastin, le Dazgay Zaniyari et l’Asayish sont régulièrement accusés de détentions arbitraires, de torture, d’exécutions sommaires, et de nettoyage ethnique à Kirkouk et ses environs – riches en pétrole – où les Turcomans sont majoritaires. La plupart des détenus politiques, passés par des prisons secrètes, ou des « disparus », sont des membres d’organisations islamiques antiaméricaines. Les cadres des services secrets kurdes ont été à « bonne école », formés, suivant les époques, par le KGB, la Savak du Chah, la CIA, le Mossad israélien, voire le Vevak des Mollah iraniens.


Article publié dans Afrique Asie de juin 2009

Campagne de soutien aux Amitiés franco-irakiennes
Sans moyens financiers, nous ne pouvons développer nos activités
Pour nous aider – et si vous le pouvez – adressez-nous un chèque de 40 euros, ou plus…
(à l’ordre de : Amitiés franco-irakiennes – 7, rue de Sarzeau – 35700 Rennes)