mardi 4 mars 2008

Europe Struggles with Influx of Iraqi Refugees

Graphic showing the percentage of Iraqi refugees granted protection, country-by-country, in Europe, and a chart of the number of Iraqi refugees, year-by-year, since 1990.


An Iraqi girl holds a placard as Iraqi refugees protest outside the United Nations' headquarters in Nicosia, Cyrpus, Feb. 21, 2007. Alex Mita/AFP/Getty Images


http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=7695224

by Emily Harris

Morning Edition, March 6, 2007
• After four years of chaos and violence, nearly two million Iraqis remain outside their country, according to the UN agency for refugees. Most are overwhelming neighboring countries, particularly Jordan and Syria. In Europe, Iraqi applications for asylum have doubled over the past three years. But few European countries are offering much refuge, with one exception: Sweden.

In 2006, almost 9,000 Iraqis applied for asylum in Sweden — triple what the country was expecting, and more than 40 percent of all Iraqi refugee claims in Europe.

50-year-old Laura paid a smuggler about $30,000 to get her and two daughters to Sweden. She arrived here three months ago. The turning point for Laura was when her son was kidnapped.
"That was the day I decided to leave," says Laura, who is afraid to use her real name because her husband and two children are still trying to leave Iraq.

Her son was released after three days and a $25,000 ransom. Laura is a Christian and she blames Muslims for the chaos in her home country. But Iraqi Muslims are also seeking refuge in Sweden.

Reisan Abbas, 24, is Shia, and was an engineering student in Baghdad.
"You can be killed every moment without any reason," Abbas says. "At the university, they can enter your department and just kill you."

Ahlam Hamid Abbas is afraid she'll be killed in her home in Baghdad's Amariya neighborhood. The middle-aged Sunni woman smiles and nods when introduced — and she cries when she talks about Iraq.

"It's impossible in Iraq," she says. "It's miserable. Bombs and explosions. No electricity, no gas. This never happened before the Americans came. Only after. Killing, bombing, explosions, no security no economy. It's not possible to live. Nobody knows what to do."

Her relatives ignore her outburst as if they know it by heart. They keep sipping tea and serving cake in the small living room in a rowhouse north of Stockholm. Like many recent arrivals, Abbas and her 88-year-old mother came to Sweden because other close family members already live here. Tens of thousands of Iraqis sought refuge in Sweden during Saddam Hussein's rule.

But Sweden also handles Iraqi asylum claims differently than other European countries.
"I would say about 90 percent of Iraqis are staying at this time," says Fredrik Beijer, director of Sweden's asylum processing. He says that even Iraqis with weak individual persecution claims now often get residence permits with full rights to work, and welfare for a practical reason. Sweden won't send them back and, figuring they'll be in the country for a while, would rather try to integrate them.

"When you see you are not being able to send back this person in a foreseeable time, you can say that they are going to get connected to Sweden," Beijer says. "If you can say that from the beginning, then you have the possibility to stay."

But with such a disproportionately high number of claims, Sweden is pushing other European countries to do more. Tobias Billström, Sweden's migration minister, wants to see European countries receive and accept more people.

That would be a big change for places like Germany, which accepted about 10 percent of Iraqi asylum claims last year. It has also started taking back asylum that it granted to Iraqi refugees in the 1990s. About 18,000 Iraqis — one-third of those in Germany — have lost that protection since revocations started three years ago.

Immigration lawyer Reinhard Marx has seen plenty of clients bring in notices from the government explaining the reasons.

"The philosophy behind this is very simple," Marx says. "Mr Saddam Hussein has been defeated so there is no persecutor anymore."

Aso Amin, a former Kurdish peshmerga soldier who fled to Germany in 1997 finds that absurd.
"There used to be only one Saddam. Now there are a thousand — from the Shia, from the Arabs, al-Qaida, terrorists," Amin says. "You used to know who your enemy was. It's not like that any more."

Amin has what's called a toleration permit to stay in Germany. That means work options and social welfare are sharply restricted while Germany figures out if its possible to send thousands of people back to Iraq. Refugee advocates say this throws people into limbo. But Interior Ministry official Peter Altmaier says it is an important part of the concept of political asylum.
"Such a right of asylum is not indefinite. It is not forever," Altmaier says. "It is just meant for the period where the person concerned is in concrete danger and risk."

Altmaier says that Germany has deported three Iraqis since the fall of Saddam Hussein.
Britain has sent back the most — 85. The most recent group was deported last month. The British government says all have come from and were returned to the northern, Kurdish-controlled area of Iraq, which Britain feels is sufficiently stable.

Still, refugee advocate Bjarte Vandvik of the European Council on Refugees and Exiles says that even symbolic returns send the wrong message.

"It's a double standard where, OK, to help them down there and even to the extent of sending soldiers. But when they come here and say, 'We're still scared, we're afraid for our lives and our children,' then sorry, we don't, we can't help you."

Sweden's migration minister Tobias Billström is trying to convince other European countries that even if they don't take in more people, they must send money to Syria and Jordan to help with the hundreds of thousands of Iraqis there.

"If they were to be destabilized – it would prove to be very, very bad indeed, not just for the region – but also for Europe. Because then this enormous amount of people would move westward," Billstrom says.

That may be a good argument for Germany's Altmaier.
"I personally still think we should try to solve this refugee crisis in the region concerned, rather than inviting all these people to Europe," Altmaier says. "We think it is also in the interests of the person concerned to stay in the region where they are familiar with, where they would not lose their culture, and where they could return much easier to their country of origin as soon as the situation has improved."

The United States has agreed to accept 7,000 Iraqi refugees this year, after admitting fewer than 500 over the past three years. The United States is the biggest contributor so far to a U.N. fund set up to help Iraqi refugees in the Middle East. So far, the biggest European contributor to that fund is Sweden.

dimanche 2 mars 2008

Cry 'God for Harry, England and St George', by George Galloway

Cry 'God for Harry, England and St George'
In their acclaim for this new Prince Hal, the media have once again made themselves the useful idiots of disastrous military adventurism

By George Galloway


01/03/08 "The Guardian"
-- -
As the peerless John Pilger put it, the invasion of Iraq would have been impossible without the supine connivance of the British media. The BBC was as much a part of operations as the Black Watch. Five years on and a further instance of the kind of collusion that embeds journalism in the sewer of state spin.

Peter Wilby says the media were "suckered", but that's a charitable view.
The case for the media keeping mum about Prince Harry's deployment to Afghanistan is straightforward enough - protecting not only his security but that of those around him. If that were all there was to it, then there would be little to consider, except the extraordinary double standard of the British media, which means that some people's safety and privacy is deemed worthy of protection and others' not. But a moment's thought should puncture the gushing, sentimental story of the media and the MoD uniting in the national interest - reporters and royalty, prince and paparazzi standing together against a common foe.

At the very least, news of this collusion has made life very difficult for reporters, especially conscientious ones, in the BBC and other news organisations. Many people across the world already believed the BBC to be complicit in the British government's crimes of war. Now the corporation has acknowledged that it colluded with the state to suppress and manipulate the news. How will that improve the standing of British correspondents abroad? Or their safety.

But collusion certainly didn't end there.
The media is ever a hungry beast, and it was inconceivable that it would fast for three months without the promise of bacchanalian orgy at the end of it. And so the flipside of 10 weeks of radio silence is wall-to-wall Harry, as the pin-up of the armed forces, one of the lads, full of derring-do, a British hero on Afghanistan's plains straight out of Tennyson or Kipling. For a military adventure which, now, even the US's senior intelligence officer concedes is staring into the abyss, this could not have come at a better time.

Over the last few months, I've asked at public meetings, on my radio show and on walkabouts, why people think we are in Afghanistan, what would define the "victory" which would allow us to withdraw with laurels. Our ambassador in Kabul - a double-barrel who might also have walked out of 19th-century page - says we are going to be there for 30 or 40 years.

Other countries, wisely, are none too phlegmatic about that prospect. Condoleezza Rice's last visit to Europe was part of the US's effort to put pressure on other Nato counties to commit more troops to the Afghan quagmire.

Then comes the scoop of the young prince forsaking Boujis, despatched to that place beyond the Khyber pass by his sovereign grandmother, and enduring hardship with cheerful Tommy. There were naturally a few touches to bring it into this century - instead of fixing bayonets, we're informed he helped bring down air strikes with a handheld computer, which could easily pass for a video game; no Latin motto on his cap, instead a psychotic, dehumanised epigram that could have come from Travis in Taxi Driver: "We do bad things to bad people."

All sections of the establishment have gained from this superbly well-executed piece of theatre (incidentally, I'm not doubting Harry's personal bravery, it's just that that is not the issue): the army has a star; the BBC and Fleet Street appear to have a heart; and the royal family have a newfound source of capital at just the time that the circus that is the Diana inquest heaps more and more ordure in their direction.

Out with the images of partying in a Nazi uniform, in with the young warrior who lost his mother when young but who has now grown up. So the greatest collusion of all by the media is in perpetuating the myths of this war and in helping to craft the perfect recruitment poster. It's better than Kitchener's "Your country needs you."

Skilfully and chillingly, it speaks to this century and through the most modern media. It is going to play an enduring role in prolonging this futile adventure, and perhaps starting others, in a country which British armies have three times before staggered out of in defeat, leaving so many of their number behind. No one, not even Alexander the Great has successfully occupied Afghanistan; and Harry, whatever you think about him, is certainly no Alexander the Great.

Shame on the Arabs, shame on the Muslims, shame on humanity




Comment by Khalid Amayreh in the West Bank


March 2, 2008



As Israel is fulfilling its threat to inflict a "greater holocaust" (greater than the German Holocaust) on the Palestinian people, the vast bulk of Arabs and Muslims, as well as the rest of the world, are looking on passively as the Judeo-Nazi state is having a free season on the helpless Palestinians.


This is not a matter of controversy and the facts are neither nebulous nor incomplete. You are all watching the slaughter show before your eyes, on you TV screens.

Yes, the scope of the massacres has not yet reached the Auschwitz proportions, but soon it will if you continue to play deaf and dumb as if the wanton slaughter is taking place on a different planet.

To the Arab masses and governments, I say shame on you. You are not worthy of being true descendants of Ali Ibn Abe Taleb, Abu Bakr al Siddique and Omar Ibn al-Khattab. You are the worst progeny of the best of mankind. Can't you see your shame? Your ignominy is clarion, your apostasy is striking.

How could you continue to look yourselves in the mirror? Have you lost all your senses, all your sensibility, your honor, your humanity? How could you go on living normally while your brothers and sisters in Gaza are being slaughtered like helpless sheep at the hands of the Nazis of our time?
Shame on you, shame on your Petro-dollars!
What good could there be in your billions or trillions when they can't protect our crying women and children from the bayonets of the Judeo-Nazis?

What good can there be in your hefty bank account when you can't look Israel in the face?

Have you completely lost your dignity, your sense of honor and pride, even humanity?
When will you stop kissing the hands of your child-killers?

Are you dead?


And to the Muslims?


You babble endlessly about solidarity with the Palestinian people. But you are busy killing each other in Iraq and Pakistan and Lebanon while Jerusalem is being decapitated, very much like the children of Gaza.

You, too, are liars and hypocrites. You claim to be followers of the Prophet Muhammed who said a Muslim is a brother to every other Muslim. So why have you betrayed your Muslim brothers and sisters in Palestine, leaving them at the mercy of the Nazis of our time?


Why?

Are you afraid of upsetting your perfidious rulers, the slaves of America?

Are you worried about losing a day's wage? Are you so addicted to the comfort and luxury of life that you can't devote a day for the people of Palestine and al-Masjidul Aqsa.
You are more than 1.4 billion human beings living on a vast expanse of land extending from Indonesia in the east to Morocco in the West . How is it that you can't do anything to help your Palestinian brothers who are facing the prospect of annihilation at the hands of Nazis of our time?

Yes, you, too, are responsible for the merciless murder of these innocent children in Gaza. What will you tell your maker when you meet Him on the Day of Judgment?

Shame on you for your silence, passivity and cowardice.
You surely could do a lot to save the Palestinians from this ongoing genocide in Gaza.Take to the streets wherever you are and make your voices heard. Let the Judeo-Nazis and their supporters feel your presence.

Try to pressure your respective governments to sever ties with Israel and her supporters. You can always do much more if you have the will.

And a last word to the peoples of the world, if you think that the Judeo Nazis are only after the Palestinians, you are dead wrong. The Judeo Nazis are after world domination. They are after you freedoms, your resources, and your future. The Palestinians are only the first step, and then will come your turn.

So, wake up, speak up and make your voices heard, or they will control your life and enslave you as they have enslaved the United States and much of Western Europe.

Zionism is simply the Nazism of our time; it is a real cancer.

If you don’t defeat it, it will kill you.

MUSUL IRAK'TAN AYRILAMAZ




Orhan Ketene


MUSUL IRAK'TAN AYRILAMAZ


Türkmen siyasetçi Orhan Ketene, ''Musul'u Irak'tan ayırmadığını'' belirterek, ''Musul Vilayeti Projesi gerçekleşirse, etnik çatışmalar sona erecektir. Eğer tutup bölgeye 'Kürdistan' derseniz, etnik çatışmalar çıkar'' dedi.


Taksim Elit Otel'de, ADAM Sosyal Bilimler Araştırma Merkezince düzenlenen ve bölgenin önemli Türkmen, Arap ve Kürt liderlerini bir araya getiren ''Irak Çalıştayı''nın son günündeki oturumda konuşan Ketene, Musul'un Irak'a bağlı kalmasının, bölgedeki barışın sağlanması açısından şart olduğunu dile getirdi.


Etnik bölünmelerin ince bir dengeye bağlı olduğu Irak'ta, Musul'un Irak'taki Şiilere karşı bir denge unsuru olduğuna dikkati çeken Ketene, ''Hiçbir Iraklı da Musul'un ayrılmasını istemez. Bunun yanında Musul Irak'ın kalan kısmına da hiç benzemez. Çok etnikli, çok dilli, çok dinli bir bölgedir. Coğrafi açıdan da farklıdır. Irak'ın diğer kısmı çoğunlukla Arap'tır, ama kuzey kısmı öyle değil'' diye konuştu.


Irak'ın kuzeyinin dünyaya ''Kürt unsurların yeri'' olarak anlatıldığını vurgulayan Ketene, bu anlayışın, bölgedeki Türkmen ve Asurilerin hiçe sayılması demek olduğunu kaydetti.
Ketene, bölgedeki kaos ortamına bir çözüm olarak ortaya konulan Musul Vilayeti Projesi hakkında da şunları söyledi:


''Musul Vilayeti Projesi gerçekleşirse, etnik çatışmalar sona erecektir. Eğer tutup bölgeye 'Kürdistan' derseniz, etnik çatışmalar çıkar. Musul idari olarak eyalet gibi ayrılırsa bütün unsurlar bir arada olacaktır. Bugün Kürdistan fikrine binaen Türkmeni, Asurisi, Arabı kendi vatanını kurmaya girişti. Bizim eyalet fikrimiz Musul'u Irak'tan ayırmıyor. Musul'daki bölünmeler etnik değil, coğrafi baza dayansın. İnsanlar coğrafyadan faydalansın ve hiç ayrılmasın. En önemlisi Musul, Orta Doğu'nun denge unsuru olsun.''


Ketene, Musul için önerdikleri bu yapıya İsviçre modelini örnek göstererek, 26 kantondan oluşan İsviçre'nin gün geçtikçe daha merkezi bir devlet haline geldiğini kaydetti.


-DERBEND ZAFERİ BİRLEŞTİRİCİ OLSUN-


Haçlı seferlerine karşı ilk direnişin başladığı Musul'da, Kürt ve Türkmenlerin yıllarca istilalara karşı beraberce direndiğini belirten Ketene, bölgede Türk ve Kürt işbirliğinin 823 yıl sürdüğünü söyledi.


Ketene, Derbend Zaferi'ni birlikte kazanan Kürt ve Türkmenler tarafından, bu Zafer'in önemi ve anlamının bilinmesi gerektiğini ifade etti.


İngiliz işgaline karşı Atatürk tarafından görevlendirilen Milis Yarbay Özdemir'in bölgedeki aşiretlerden kurduğu güçle 7 bin kişilik bir milis savaşı yürüttüğünü anlatan Ketene, 31 Ağustos 1922'de bu mücadelenin İngilizleri hezimete uğrattığını kaydetti.


Ketene, ''O işbirliği ölmüş değil, şimdi de aramızda arkadaşlarımız var. Bu coğrafi ve tarihi birlikteliğin yanında siyasi iradenin de varlığı şart. Ancak önce Musul'u oluşturan toplumun bir araya gelip birliği kurmak istemesi gerek'' diye konuştu.


Musul'da Türkmenler ve Kürtler arasında tarihi bir küskünlüğün olduğu gerçeğinin yadsınamayacağını ifade eden Ketene, bu küskünlüğün karşılıklı ziyaretlerle giderilebileceğini, arayı bozucu tarihi olayları fazla karıştırmamakta fayda olduğunu söyledi.


31 Ağustos'ta Derbend Zaferi'nin 86. yıl dönümü olacağına işaret eden Ketene, Zafer'in yıl dönümünde savaşa katılan aşiretlerin temsilcilerini bir araya getirip, kendilerine teşekkür plaketi verilebileceğini dile getirdi.


Ketene, konuşmasının sonunda ''Musul vilayeti düşünüyoruz, ama her unsurun kendi vatanını kurma düşü var. Musul içerisinde de sınırları olmayan 4 hükümet olabilir'' dedi.


-''BİZ BİZE KALIRSAK PROBLEM YOK''-


Türkmeneli Partisi Lideri Riyaz Sarıkahya da 2005 yılında Irak gerçeğine uygun olarak yapılan Irak Anayasası'nın Türkmenler tarafından değerlendirilmesi gerektiğini ifade ederek, şunları söyledi:


''Anayasalar uygulama olmazsa bir şey ifade etmez. Ancak bu kaos ortamından biz kimseyi suçlamıyoruz. Biz federal bir Irak öngörüyoruz. Kuzey Irak federe devleti içinde Musul, Kürt ve Kerkük federe bölgesi önermekteyiz. Sorunları diyalogla çözümleme niyetindeyiz. Bütün Kürt gruplara, özellikle Barzani ve Talabani'ye çağrıda bulunuyorum. Türkmenlerle diyaloğa girişsin, Kuzey Irak'ı oluşturan unsurlarla anlaşsın.''


Türkmen Otonomi Örgütü Lideri Muzaffer Arslan da yıllar içinde dış güçlerce Kürt ve Türkmen unsurların arasına nifak sokulduğunu belirterek, ''Biz bize kalırsak problem yoktur, olmayacaktır. Ne zaman birbirimizin hakkını müdafaa edecek duruma gelirsek, o zaman mutluluğa ulaşabiliriz'' dedi. Irak Çalıştayı'nın sonuç bildirgesi yarın açıklanacak.


Yayın Tarihi 02.03.2008

La Soif de pétrole irakien, par Gilles Munier

Article publié dans
AFRIQUE-ASIE Mars 2008

Israël - Depuis sa création, l’Etat juif, sous boycott pétrolier arabe, convoite le pétrole de Mésopotamie. Il n’y est pas parvenu jusqu’à présent, malgré ses nombreuses tentatives Mais ses besoins, exponentiels, pourraient accélérer ses manœuvres.

Extrait :

Israël est, avec le Japon, un des pays dépendant le plus de l’extérieur pour ses approvisionnements pétroliers. Les milliards de barils qui dormiraient au pied du Mont Carmel, ou sous Jéricho, ne sont, pour l’instant, que rêveries d’évangélistes américains. Le ravitaillement du pays est un véritable casse-tête, d’autant que la consommation de pétrole par habitant, en perpétuelle augmentation, dépasse 7 litres par jour (8e rang mondial). Grâce à l’entregent d’hommes comme Zvi Alexander, « Monsieur pétrole » israélien, Israël a pu diversifier ses sources d’approvisionnement. Aujourd’hui, l’Etat hébreu est ravitaillé par la Russie, les anciennes Républiques soviétiques, la Norvège, le Mexique, des pays d’Afrique de l’Ouest et, fait moins connu, par … L'Egypte Mais les livraisons prévues par le Traité israélo-égyptien de 1979 – qui on couvert jusqu’au tiers des besoins d’Israël – s’avèrent insuffisantes.

Un rêve israélien

Israël rêve de pétrole irakien depuis 1948, date de la fermeture du pipeline Kirkouk-Haïfa pour protester contre la création d’un Etat juif en Palestine. Seul le Koweït, alors principauté sous tutelle britannique, a continué jusqu’en 1950 a lui livrer du brut. L’Iran pahlévi prit le relais, clandestinement, jusqu’à la révolution khomeyniste. Les Israéliens – travaillistes ou likoudniks – ont out essayé pour amadouer Bagdad, y compris traiter avec Saddam Hussein. Sans succès.

Avec les guerres du Golfe, les Israéliens sont passés à l’action. Les Kurdes, qu’ils soutenaient depuis les années 1950, arguant d’intérêts géostratégiques et d’ancêtres communs, étaient quasi indépendants grâce à la zone d’exclusion aérienne imposée par la coalition. Le Mosssad en profita pour renforcer ses positions dans l’appareil sécuritaire kurde et participer, avec Massoud Barzani, à la contrebande de pétrole générée par l’embargo des Nations unies. Parallèlement, Ahmed Chalabi, chef du Conseil national irakien, fut invité à Tel-Aviv où il promit d’ouvrir des relations diplomatiques avec Israël et le pipeline Kirkouk-Haïfa.

Début avril 2003, un commando des forces spéciales de la coalition s’empara des stations de pompage de l’oléoduc vers Haïfa (opération « Shekhina », présence de Dieu, en hébreu) entre Haditha et la frontière jordanienne, et Benyamin Netanyahou affirma que le pétrole irakien coulerait vers Israël, que « c’était une question de temps ». En août 2003, Yosef Paritzky, ministre des Infrastructures, fut convoqué à Washington pour étudier la remise en état du pipeline. Espoir déçu, car Chalabi a été écarté du pouvoir. Avec la montée en puissance de la résistance dans la région d’Al-Anbar, le tracé actuel semble définitivement abandonné.

Un Grand Kurdistan

Pour que le pipeline Kirkouk-Banyas, en Syrie, fût une solution de rechange, encore fallait-il éliminer les foyers de résistances entre Kirkouk et la frontière syrienne, créer un « Grand Kurdistan » et renverser Bachar al-Assad. En juin 2005, les Américains lancèrent l’opération « Matador » pour dompter les Turcomans hostiles à la main mise kurde sur leurs terres et le pétrole irakien. Sous prétexte de chasser Zarqaoui d’un de ses bastions, Tel Afar fut assiégé. Comme à Falloujah, les bombardements firent des milliers de victimes civiles. Les habitants qui se sont enfuis ont été remplacés par des Kurdes.

La Constitution de 2005, illégitime pour de nombreux Irakiens, permettrait à la Région autonome kurde d’anexer après référendum le gouvernorat de Kirkouk, une partie de ceux de Ninive et de Diyala, et le Sindjar. La résistance a fait échouer le projet – pour l’instant. Mais, en août 2007, l’attentat terroriste du Sindjar avec ses 500 morts, attribué au Parastin, le service secret kurde, a jeté les Yézidi qui y sont majoritaires dans les bras de Barzani – c’était son objectif.

Et la bataille engagée actuellement à Mossoul, sous prétexte de guerre contre Al-Qaïda, « nettoie » un peu plus les « territoires disputés » de leurs habitants ancestraux arabes, turcomans et assyro-chaldéens.

La Syrie résistant aux essais de déstabilisation étasunienne et française, le projet de bretelle Homs-Haïfa sur le pipeline existant a été abandonné, ne laissant à ses partisans que la signature d’un hypothétique traité de paix entre Israël et la Syrie, avec échange du Golan contre le passage d’un oléoduc vers Haïfa. Un remake, en quelque sorte, de l’accord négocié avec Anouar al-Sadate.

Un israélien nommé Fouad

A Tel-Aviv, Binyanin Ben Eliezer, ministre des Infrastructures plus pragmatique que ses prédécesseurs, étudie la faisabilité d’un oléoduc qui traverserait le Sindjar, longerait la Syrie et l’Euphrate et pénétrerait en Jordanie ; et parallèlement celle d’un quadruple pipeline sous-marin qui acheminerait vers Ashkelon, via le port turc de Ceyhan, du pétrole et du gaz géorgiens ou azerbaïdjanais – voire kazakhs – de l’eau, de l’électricité et des câbles en fibres optiques.

Né à Bassora, le général Ben Eliezer, dit Fouad, se présente comme un « ami des Arabes », mais sa réputation de boucher n’a rien à envier à celle d’Ariel Sharon. Il n’est pas seulement mêlé au massacre de Tal Al-Zaatar par les Phalangistes libanais en 1976 et de Jénine en 2002, ou à l’invasion de Liban en juin 1982, mais il est aussi accusé d’avoir fait liquider 250 prisonniers pendant la guerre de juin 1967. On attend toujours l’ouverture d’une enquête du Tribunal pénal international à son encontre, comme l’a demandé au Caire en 2007 le président de la commission des Affaires étrangères.

Détail important du projet de Ben Eliezer : selon le quotidien Haaretz (16 janvier 2007), l’oléoduc sous-marin pourrait être connecté à celui venant d’Irak. Le Kurde Hoshyar Zebari, ministre irakien des Affaires Etrangères avec qui il s’est congratulé devant les caméras au World Economic Forum de 2005, en Jordanie, ne demande qu’à coopérer. Le succès de cette opération dépend des exigences de la Turquie. En cas d’entente, le boycott pétrolier arabe perdrait tout sons sens.

*****************

A lire sur le site France-Irak Actualité
http://www.gmunier.blogspot.com/


Sarkozy et l'Irak (1)
LA FRANCE VEUT SA PART DU « GÂTEAU » PÉTROLIER IRAKIEN
Marchandages prévus à Paris le 25 février….
« Bon appétit, Messieurs ! »

samedi 1 mars 2008

ZIONISTS COMMITTING GENOCIDE IN GAZA


IRAQ: Occupation Strangles Farmers

Ahmed Ali and Dahr Jamail*

BAQUBA, Feb 29 (IPS) - New plant diseases, attacks by occupation forces and escalating fuel prices are strangling farmers in Diyala province.

Prior to the U.S.-led invasion of March 2003, farmers in Baquba, the capital city of Diyala province 40 km northeast of Baghdad, struggled with plant diseases they believed were caused by bombs dropped during the U.S.-led war against Iraq in 1991. Trees were infested with white fruit fly, aphids and plant louse, and there was a shortage of water for irrigation. The directorate-general of agriculture used helicopters to spread insecticide. After the invasion, the situation has worsened. Helicopter spraying seems unthinkable.

"With helicopters large distances can be sprayed in one stroke," Aboud Ibrahim, a 55-year-old local farmer told IPS. "In the case of white fruit fly, when a farmer sprays the insecticide, the disease can move back to his farm again from the neighbouring farm within six hours. This is why simultaneous treatment of all farms is so efficient." Helicopters now mean something else.

"Helicopters and fighters of the coalition forces attack farmers who work at night on their farms," said a local farmer who did not want to be named. "Due to the water quotas, farmers are forced to water their farms even at night. Some farmers have been shot in firing by coalition forces. Farmers would rather neglect their farms than risk death."

The ministry of agriculture pays no attention to the array of problems. "The spread of plant diseases has caused a shortage of crops, and this has a direct effect not only on the farmers but also on the Iraqi people in general," a supervisor at the directorate-general of agriculture in Diyala province told IPS on condition of anonymity.

"Iraq now imports almost all its crops from neighbouring counties like Syria, Iran, Turkey, Jordan, and Lebanon, after decades of exporting to these same countries." By now, the supervisor said, 90 percent of local farmers in Diyala have left their farms and orchards because "the farms have been severely attacked by diseases and the shortage of water." Also, he said, the prices of imported vegetables and fruit have increased tremendously. "We produce potato, tomato, cucumber, onion, celery, lettuce, and eggplant, in addition to all kinds of fruit, but now our product covers only 30 percent of the people's needs, so they are forced to buy imported goods which are much more expensive," a local agronomist, also speaking on condition of anonymity, told IPS.

"Farmers were living very comfortably before the invasion because they were doing their job freely." Lack of security stands in the way of agriculture. "The blocking of streets and the presence of the militants and sometimes coalition forces prevents farmers form marketing their produce," Mahmod Mehdi, a local fruit shop vendor told IPS.

Mehdi said that curfews, which are imposed on Baquba every night, and sometimes during the day, also cause losses to farmers, who are then unable to sell their fruits and vegetables. "If there is a curfew, long lines of pickups loaded with different crops wait in the entryway of the highways to the city," Mehdi added. "Sometimes, they have gone back dropping the crops on the streets, or they accept any trivial price. The number of farmers around is much fewer now."

Many farmers have sought jobs in the police and army, about the only employment available now in Iraq. "We want our sons to be recruited in order to earn a living for the family," Abdul-Kareem Abas, a local farmer, told IPS. To cap it, many farmers have given up in the face of threats and violence. "I left tens of acres and went to another province because of the sectarian violence," a local farmer whose son was killed by militiamen, told IPS. "My farm, which is worth hundreds of millions of Iraqi dinars, is ruined. We were forced to leave everything, otherwise we would all die." Many farmers have sold land, others have begun to divide their farms into pieces and use some of the land to offer housing.

This area was once called the Fertile Crescent.
(*Ahmed, our correspondent in Iraq's Diyala province, works in close collaboration with Dahr Jamail, our U.S.-based specialist writer on Iraq who travels extensively in the region) (END/2008)

http://www.ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=41414

Ben Griffin speaks to World Against War rally before being gagged by UK Government

Ben Griffin: Former SAS, Banned speech to Anti-War Rally

VIDEO
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cb50-ouA-IA&feature=email


February 29, 2008"

As of 1940 hrs 29/02/08 I have been placed under an injunction preventing me from speaking publicly and publishing material gained as a result of my service in UKSF (SAS).

I will be continuing to collect evidence and opinion on British Involvement in extraordinary rendition, torture, secret detentions, extra judicial detention, use of evidence gained through torture, breaches of the Geneva Conventions, breaches of International Law and failure to abide by our obligations as per UN Convention Against Torture. I am carrying on regardless "

Ben Griffin, Former UK Special forces trooper

Ben Griffin, the ex-SAS trooper who this week revealed the extensive British collaboration with US rendition and torture, was served with an injunction immediately after speaking at the London World Against War rally last night.

The government is trying to gag Ben to prevent any more revelations about British involvement in the US policy of kidnapping people and sending them to secret centres for interrogation and torture.

Former SAS soldier blows apart Miliband denial of UK torture involvement.

Monday, 25 February 2008
Ben Griffin

This statement was prepared and read by Ben Griffin, ex-SAS soldier, at a press conference on Monday 25 February 2008.

Our government would have us believe that our involvement in the process known as Extraordinary Rendition is limited to two occasions on which planes carrying detainees landed to refuel on the British Indian Ocean Territory, Diego Garcia. David Miliband has stated that the British Government expects the Government of the United States to "seek permission to render detainees via UK territory and airspace, including Overseas Territories; that we will grant that permission only if we are satisfied that the rendition would accord with UK law and our international obligations; and how we understand our obligations under the UN Convention Against Torture." (Taken from a statement given to the House of Commons by the Foreign Secretary David Miliband on Thursday 21 February 2008)

The use of British Territory and airspace pales into insignificance in light of the fact that it has been British soldiers detaining the victims of Extraordinary Rendition in the first place. Since the invasion of Afghanistan in the autumn of 2001 UKSF has operated within a joint US/UK Task Force. This Task Force has been responsible for the detention of hundreds if not thousands of individuals in Afghanistan and Iraq. Individuals detained by British soldiers within this Task force have ended up in Guantanamo Bay Detention Camp, Bagram Theatre Internment Facility, Balad Special Forces Base, Camp Nama BIAP and Abu Ghraib Prison.Whilst the government has stated its desire that the Guantanamo Bay detention camp be closed, it has remained silent over these other secretive prisons in Iraq and Afghanistan.

These secretive prisons are part of a global network in which individuals face torture and are held indefinately without charge. All of this is in direct contravention of the Geneva Conventions, International Law and the UN Convention Against Torture.

Early involvement of UKSF in the process of Extraordinary Rendition centres around operations carried out in Afghanistan in late 2001. Of note is an incident at the Qalai Janghi fortress, near Mazar-i-Sharif. UKSF fought alongside their US counterparts to put down a bloody revolt by captured Taliban fighters. The surviving Taliban fighters were then rendered to Guantanamo Bay.

After the invasion of Iraq in 2003 this joint US/UK task force appeared. Its primary mission was to kill or capture high value targets. Individuals detained by this Task Force often included non-combatants caught up in the search for high value targets. The use of secret detention centres within Iraq has negated the need to use Guantanamo Bay whilst allowing similar practice to go unnoticed.

I have here an account taken from an interpreter interviewed by the organisation Human Rights Watch (http://hrw.org/reports/2006/us0706/2.htm).

He was based at the detention and interrogation facility within Camp Nama at Baghdad International Airport during 2004. This facility was used to interrogate individuals captured by the joint US/UK Task Force. In it are the details of numerous breaches of the Geneva Convention and accounts of torture. These breaches were not the actions of rogue elements the abuse was systematic and sanctioned through the chain of command.

This account is corroborated by an investigation carried out by NYT reporters into Camp Nama and the US/UK Task Force, which appeared in the New York Times on March 19 2006.

Throughout my time in Iraq I was in no doubt that individuals detained by UKSF and handed over to our American colleagues would be tortured. During my time as member of the US/UK Task Force, three soldiers recounted to me an incident in which they had witnessed the brutal interrogation of two detainees. Partial drowning and an electric cattle prod were used during this interrogation and this amounted to torture. It was the widely held assumption that this would be the fate of any individuals handed over to our America colleagues. My commanding officer at the time expressed his concern to the whole squadron that we were becoming "the secret police of Baghdad".

As UK soldiers within this Task Force a policy that we would detain individuals but not arrest them was continually enforced. Since it was commonly assumed by my colleagues that anyone we detained would subsequently be tortured this policy of detention and not arrest was regarded as a clumsy legal tool used to distance British soldiers from the whole process.

During the many operations conducted to apprehend high value targets numerous non-combatants were detained and interrogated in direct contravention of the Geneva Convention regarding the treatment of civilians in occupied territories. I have no doubt in my mind that non-combatants I personally detained were handed over to the Americans and subsequently tortured.

The joint US/UK Task Force has broken International Law, contravened The Geneva Conventions and disregarded the UN Convention Against Torture.
British soldiers are intimately involved in the actions of this Task Force.

Jack Straw, Margaret Beckett David Miliband, Geoff Hoon, Des Browne, Tony Blair, Gordon Brown. In their respective positions over the last five years they must know that British soldiers have been operating within this joint US/UK task force. They must have been briefed on the actions of this unit.

As the occupiers of Iraq we have a duty to uphold the law, to abide by the Geneva Conventions and the UN Convention Against Torture. We are also responsible for securing the borders of Iraq on all counts we have failed. The British Army once had a reputation for playing by the rules. That reputation has been tarnished over the last seven years. We have accepted illegality as the norm. I have no doubt that over the coming months and years increasing amounts of information concerning the actions of British soldiers in Iraq and Afghanistan will be become public.

Whilst the majority of British Forces have been withdrawn from Iraq, UKSF remain within the US/UK Task Force.

Torture, according to the United Nations Convention Against Torture, is "any act by which severe pain or suffering, whether physical or mental, is intentionally inflicted on a person for such purposes as obtaining from him or a third person information or a confession."

Ben Griffin
25 February 2008

http://www.stopwar.org.uk/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=533&Itemid=27