Presentation: "Les Turcs entrent sur l'Histoire Mondiale" par Stefan Winter

Présentation « LES TURCS ENTRENT SUR L'HISTOIRE MONDIALE » par Stefan Winter spécialiste du Proche-Orient à l'époque ottomane.

PRESENTATION : "LES TURCS ENTRENT SUR L'HISTOIRE MONDIALE" by Stefan Winter, specialist of ME during Ottoman era.


Please see:

http://www.proche-orient.uqam.ca/ppt/4665/cours1.ppt


for other presentations please click on :

http://www.proche-orient.uqam.ca/index.php
click on the title of each course

Cours 1
L'héritage des steppes
Cours 2
Les Ottomans et les chrétiens
Cours 3
L'héritage islamique
Cours 6
L'administration et la société provinciale
Cours 9
Les grandes villes
Cours 10
Les campagnes
Cours 11 et 12
Du commerce méditerranéen à l'ingérence de l'Europe
Cours 13
Les réformes
Cours 14
La dislocation

دعوة إلى تضامن أهالي كركوك

الدائرة الإعلامية
العدد148
التاريخ4/10/2009


دعوة إلى تضامن أهالي كركوك

تضم الجبهة التركمانية العراقية صوتها إلى رئاسة أسقفية كركوك للكلدان التي أصدرت نداءً تحاول من خلاله أن تسترعي الانتباه إلى ما يتعرض إليه أخوتنا في الله و الوطن المسيحيون ، و اشار نداء الأسقفية إلى ما جاء في القرآن الكريم من أن النصارى اقرب الناس مودة للذين آمنوا في إشارة إلى المسيحيين مضيفا بان استهدافهم ليس حلالا و الابتزاز لغرض المال حرام وبأن الله سبحانه ديان عادل يمهل و لا يهمل
تناشد الجبهة التركمانية العراقية الحكومة المركزية بالانتباه الى ما يتعرض اليه اهالي كركوك عامة و المسيحيين خاصة و تناشد خاطفي السيد عماد ايليا عبد الكريم و الذي اختطف يوم 3/10 اطلاق سراحه خاصة وانه في المكان الذي تم اختطافه منه شهدت قطرات دماء قد تفسر بأنه قاوم الخاطفين واصيب بجروح
و تطالب الجبهة التركمانية العراقية الجميع في كركوك ان يتضامنوا مع بعضهم البعض للحفاظ على ارواحهم و ممتلكاتهم وقبل كل هذا الحفاظ على وحدة الوطن وأمنه

والله من وراء القصد


الجبهة التركمانية العراقية
الدائرة الإعلامية

Speech of Isa DOLKUN, Secretary General of the World Uyghur Congress, at the EU Parliament

Please click on the link below to read extracts of Mr. Dolkun's speech

http://turkmenelinews.blogspot.com/2009/10/speech-of-isa-dolkun-eu-representative.html

Anti-Kurdish militia demonstrations in Iraq’s Mosul

By Jareer Mohammed
http://www.azzaman.com/english/index.asp?fname=news\2009-10-01\kurd.htm


Azzaman, October 1, 2009
Thousands of students went to the streets in the northern city of Mosul protesting the presence of Kurdish militia fighters in their city.

The students, mainly from secondary and high schools, carried placards denouncing the militias and demanding their immediate withdrawal from Mosul."The protesters shouted slogans against peshmerga fighters and asked the government to have them replaced by Iraqi troops," a provincial sources told the newspaper on condition that his name not be revealed.

Peshmerga is the local name for the Kurdish militias thousands of which were deployed in Mosul, a predominantly Arab city, shortly after the 2003-U.S. invasion.

Mosul, Iraq’s second largest city, is one of the most restive places in the country. Attacks, particularly on its ethnic and religious minorities, have escalated recently.

Despite the killings and the uprooting of thousands of people, the government has failed to bring any individuals or groups to justice.The inhabitants blame the Kurdish militias for the unrest but Kurdish leaders categorically deny the accusations.What prompted the latest demonstrations was the close coordination the militias have with U.S. occupation troops.Most of Mosul inhabitants disdain U.S. troops and see them as invaders and occupiers.

U.S. military commanders were reported to have held a ceremony in Aski Mosul, north of the city, in which they rewarded several Kurdish militia leaders and conferred medals on them.

This particular ceremony was reported to have sparked the latest demonstrations.

ITF EU REPRESENTATIVE ATTENDED A CONFERENCE AT THE EU PARLIAMENT IN BRUSSELS

MEP Edward McMILLAN-SCOTT, Vice President of EU Parliament and Dr. Hassan AYDINLI, ITF EU Representative

With Mr. Isa DOLKUN, EU Representative of the Uyghurs

With MEP Graham WATSON

Dr. Hassan AYDINLI, ITF EU Representative and Mrs Merry FITZGERALD of the Committee for the Defence of the Iraqi Turkmen Rights in Belgium received invitations from several Members of the European Parliament and from the Director of the Brussels based association “HUMAN RIGHTS WITHOUT FRONTIERS” Mr. Willy FAUTRE to attend a conference on the Human Rights in China at the European Parliament in Brussels on 30th September 2009.

The conference was held on the eve of the 60th anniversary of the foundation of the People’s Republic of China to analyse China’s performance in the field of Human rights and Freedoms for civil society. It was held under the title:

60 Years of Democracy in China
(seen by Uyghurs, Tibetans, Falun Gong, Human Rights Defenders)

The conference was organised at the initiative of some Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) with the participation of the Director of the Human Rights without Frontiers association in Brussels namely:-

Mr. Edward McMILLAN-SCOTT, MEP and Vice-President of EU Parliament

Mr Graham WATSON, MEP and Member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs (Group of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe)

Mr. Thomas MANN, MEP and Vice-Chairman of the Committee on Employment and Social Affairs (Group of the European People’s Party)
Mrs. Eva LICHTENBERGER, MEP and Vice-Chairwoman (Group of the Greens/European Free Alliance)

Mr. Willy FAUTRE, Director of Human Rights Without Frontiers

Representatives from three Chinese communities in Europe and the Director of Human Rights without Frontiers were invited to the conference to share the panel with the MEPs and to address the conference. These Representatives were :-

Mr. Isa Dolkun, EU Representative of the Uyghurs & Secretary General of the World Uyghur Congress.

Mr. Tashi Wangdi, EU Representative of the Dalai Lama.

Mr. Man-Yan Ng, EU Representative of the Falun Gong Association.

Mr. Paolo Barabesi, Assistant to the Director of Human Rights without Frontiers, read Mr. Willy Fautré’s speech.

The organisers of the conference and their guest speakers addressed the conference, they described the political situation in China since the foundation of the People’s Republic of China in 1949 and they criticized the Chinese authorities for the lack of real democracy in China and for the intolerable violations of human rights against the Chinese people in general and against the Uyghur and Tibetan communities in particular.

Each guest speaker presented a written statement in which they explained the actual situation and living conditions of their community in China. They all denounced the Chinese authorities’ intolerances and dictatorship, accusing the Chinese regime of brutal human rights violation against the Uyghurs, the Tibetans and the Falun Gong practitioners.

After the conference Dr. Hassan AYDINLI, ITF EU Representative, established contact with the MEPs who had organised the conference and he presented the Iraqi Turkmens cause to them, describing the Turkmen reality in Iraq and updating them on the current difficult political situation, hard economical conditions, troubled cultural environment and unsafe living conditions imposed on the Iraqi Turkmens since decades.

He emphasized the deterioration of the situation for the Turkmens in Iraq, politically, economically and socially, especially after the regime change in April 2003. He explained how Turkmens continue to suffer from countless human rights violations as a consequence of an institutionalised discrimination policy applied against the Turkmens since the creation of the Iraqi State in 1921 and since the adoption of the “New Iraqi Constitution” which was concocted in a rush by a bunch of inexperienced, ethnically motivated and power thirsty ‘new Iraqi politicians’ under US occupation. Indeed, the new Iraqi constitution is terribly backward as it clearly discriminates between the Iraqi citizens according to their ethnic origin. The Arabs and Kurds are classified as ‘first class citizens’ and the country’s main landlords and share holders, while the Turkmens, the Chaldeo-Assyrians, the Shabaks, the Yezidis and other minority groups are considered as ‘second class citizens’.

Dr. H. AYDINLI stressed the fact that this ‘new constitution’ contains some terminology and notions unheard of in any constitution before, such as ‘Contested Territories’ and ‘Disputed border lines’ within the same country!!! and the infamous article 140 concerning Kerkuk. He also pointed out that the new constitution includes several controversial articles, which if they are maintained in the constitution will ultimately divide Iraq in two regions, a Kurdish region in the north and an Arabic region in the south, thus denying the Turkmens who are the third main ethnic component of the Iraqi people the right to have their own region (Turkmeneli). This would lead to more instability in Iraq and in the region.

Dr. H. AYDINLI urged the MEPs:
- to support the Turkmens’ just cause
- to follow closely the evolution of the political process in Iraq
- to monitor the upcoming general election in January 2010.

ITF EU representative had the pleasure to meet again with the Secretary General of the World Uyghur Congress, Mr. Isa DOLKUN, and to reiterate the Iraqi Turkmens’ support to the Uyghur people and their just cause.

Dr. H. AYDINLI also spoke with former MEP F. SCHWALBA-HOTH, analyst and independent political strategist with whom he had already met on another occasion.

He made an interesting new encounter with Count Leonardo Alaeddin CLERICI* (Philosopher and Poet) President of Istituto di Skriptura Brussels-Istanbul.

He also spoke with Brussels based journalist Magda FAHSI of Human Rights-Geneva to whom he gave some examples of the human rights abuses and discriminations to which the Turkmens continue to be exposed in today’s Iraq. Ms. FAHSI is interested to hear more about the Turkmens and she will be in touch.

Notes:
Mrs. Merry FITZGERALD of the Committee for the Defence of the Iraqi Turkmens’ Rights took part in the presentation of the Turkmen cause to the MEPs, adding her own arguments.

* L. A.CLERICI organizes conferences and exhibitions from Rome to the United States to explain that Islamic philosophy offers a metaphysical vision of the world, and that philosophy belongs to God and not to man. He is working to merge the synergies of arts, philosophy and technology. His emphasis on sourcing all artistic and philosophical endeavours to the holy Qur’an and God makes it all the more fascinating.

The Elections Law: Who Will Stand Up for Kerkuk?

by Reidar Visser
on September 28, 2009
http://gulfanalysis.wordpress.com/

Iraqis are heading towards parliamentary elections early next year where most parties are likely to tout identical messages: “Yes, yes to Unity”, “No, no to Sectarianism”, “No to Division”, “No to Quotas”… Additionally, voters will discover that politicians who for years have been declared enemies now suddenly run on the same lists, forming the most unlikely mega coalitions. Indeed, these days even some of the past architects of Iraq’s partition are likely to employ unity rhetoric. So how can Iraqis be expected to find out who is sincere about their Iraqi nationalism and who is merely posturing?

Well, they could get an excellent opportunity over the next couple of weeks. The reason is very simple: For practical reasons, the Iraqi elections commission has asked the Iraqi parliament to come up with an elections law (or a revised version of the existing one) before 15 October; if they are unable to do so the existing law from 2005 will have to be used if elections are to go ahead on 16 January 2010. In line with this, the Iraqi government has prepared a draft for a revised version of the existing law which incorporates new elements from the legislation for the January 2009 local elections – including a popular open-list system giving voters greater say in deciding which politicians will benefit from their vote, as well as a ban on the use of places of worship and images of religious leaders for election propaganda purposes. Consensus on all these issues has been achieved and only one significant question remains: what to do with Kirkuk, also known as the Tamim governorate.

Why should anything be done about Kirkuk at all? After all, back in 2005 Kirkuk was treated as if it were an ordinary Iraqi governorate. However, the mood in Iraqi politics has shifted a great deal since 2005. When it comes to Kirkuk, Iraqi public opinion has gradually coalesced around the view that Kirkuk is an integral part of the Iraqi state and even constitutes an Iraqi microcosm through its multi-ethnic and multi-sectarian demographic character. In turn, the shift towards stronger Iraqi nationalist currents has led to greater criticism of the post-2003 Kurdish attempts to define Kirkuk as a “disputed territory” and its policies to strengthen the Kurdish population presence in the city centre, which historically had a closer connection to the Iraqi plains and was culturally dominated by Turkmens. (The Kurdish migration to Kirkuk accelerated in earnest only during the 1960s; while some of the post-2003 Kurdish immigration certainly rectified Baathist attempts to manipulate the urban demography in the 1980s and later, it is widely acknowledged that this has now gone far beyond a return to the status quo ante.) According to this logic, doing nothing about Kirkuk would be the same as tacitly recognising all the changes to the area’s demographic and political balance that have taken place since 2003.

Reflecting this greater concern for Kirkuk’s status in Iraq and the perceived need to protest the policies of Kurdification (and specifically the possibility of elections being manipulated), a group of nationalist parties known as the 22 July trend last year secured the insertion into the provincial elections law of special clauses that excepted Kirkuk from the local elections pending agreement on interim arrangements that could ensure a more just procedure for choosing the governorate council. The attempt to find a solution stalled, but the point had been made: For the first time since the fateful mention of Kirkuk as a “disputed territory” in the 2004 Transitional Administrative Law, Iraqi politicians had effectively managed to reverse some of the tendency towards ever greater fragmentation in post-war Iraq.

That’s why the debate on the upcoming elections law is important too: In a similar fashion it can differentiate between those parliamentarians who think Kurdish policies in Kirkuk are perfectly acceptable and those who really disagree with the Kurds on this issue. Of course, an exact replay of 2008 and the provincial elections law is unlikely. That would be deeply unsatisfying to everyone concerned, as no parliamentarians would be elected from Kirkuk at all and it would be somewhat pathetic to put both local and parliamentary elections on hold for an indefinite period. Alternative solutions have been proposed, but so far they have not been particularly inspiring. Unfortunately, several Iraqi nationalist parties (including some with links to the now more scattered 22 July trend) have become hopelessly attached to a proposal for four separate, ethnically defined electoral constituencies – a scheme that would only undermine, and quite fragrantly so, the very Iraqi nationalist ideals these parties say they believe in. The Kurds, for their part, reject any idea of special arrangements and seem prepared to stick to this position even if it would mean that no new legislation is passed at all.

Here the party politics kicks in. In the past, the Kurds have been supported primarily by the Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq (ISCI), many of whose members stormed out of parliament alongside the Kurds in protest against the provincial elections law last year. But this time, ISCI is facing a quandary. Its newly formed Iraqi National Alliance, just one month old, includes a strong Sadrist contingent. The Sadrists are arch-nationalists when it comes to Kirkuk, having fronted anti-federalism demonstrations there since early 2004 and even issuing an unusual expression of support for Maliki during his confrontations with the Kurds in neighbouring northern areas last year. As recently as last week, Talib al-Kurayti, a Sadrist from Karbala, told media that the anti-federal position of his movement remains the same as before. Accordingly, by supporting the Kurds once more, ISCI could end up seeing its newly formed coalition being ripped apart less than two months after it came into existence (Ibrahim al-Jaafari, too, has in the past been much more assertive in the Kirkuk question than ISCI) .

Indeed, ISCI politicians seem to worry over this. Hamid Mualla told Al-Hayat over the weekend that he feared a repetition of the quarrel seen last year during the provincial powers law, and expressed his hope that something similar could be avoided this time. But for those who are truly prepared to put action behind their Iraqi nationalist rhetoric, precisely this kind of a repetition would of course be highly desirable. In other words, through forcing a vote on some kind of special arrangements for Kirkuk, Iraqi politicians could make it clear for everyone to see what position different parties take on a highly specific issue, thereby cutting through the crap of empty unity rhetoric. This should be particularly interesting in terms of the ongoing coalition negotiations, because just like the Sadrists, the secular Iraqiyya list – lately reported as being involved in negotiations with ISCI – would normally take an anti-Kurdish position (as they reportedly did on 22 July 2008 as well.) Similarly, the Kurdish issue is one where the Daawa party in the past has held a position which dovetails with many of the Iraqi nationalist parties in the northern parts of the country. It would also be interesting to know the exact stance of the Sunni-dominated Iraqi Islamic Party, whose prominent representative Ayyad al-Samarraie is visiting Iran these days, technically in his capacity as speaker of the Iraqi parliament, but reportedly scheduled to hold talks at pretty high levels (including President Ahmadinejad and the national security chief Said Jalili in addition to Ali Larijani, his Iranian counterpart and apparently an increasingly important figure in Iranian policy-making on Iraq).
Of course, there remains the possibility of a presidential veto by the Kurdish leader Jalal Talabani. Indeed, this kind of veto has been used earlier, back in February 2008, when Talabani and his ISCI counterpart, Vice President Adil Abd al-Mahdi, both felt unease at the prospect of early local elections and threw out the first version of the provincial powers law; in that case both gentlemen promptly changed their minds subsequent to a quick visit by Vice President Dick Cheney. But whilst similar action by Joe Biden over coming months seems both undesirable and unrealistic, this kind of scenario would at least demonstrate clearly to the whole world where the priorities of the Iraqi president lie: Does he favour ethno-nationalist expansion over giving Iraqi voters a more progressive elections law?

Exactly what can be done still remains unclear. Iraqi nationalists will probably stultify themselves if they persevere with the idea of separate electoral constituencies, and a repeat of their initial demand from last year of a governorate-level distribution formula for seats (32+32+32+4 for Kurds, Arabs, Turkmens and Christians) would be a non-starter for the Kurds. There has been talk of a somewhat odd-looking proposal by Abbas al-Bayati (a Turkmen close to Maliki) whereby the political parties would create a single list with agreed quota representation for the various communities; the voters would then apparently vote for this particular list (and none other)! If quotas are to be used in the first place, it would probably be better to set a quota at the governorate level (perhaps with certain adjustments to the previously-proposed formula in order to make it more acceptable to the Kurds) whilst at the same time finding ways to keep voting competitive and potentially cross-sectarian. But even though this would have a certain affinity to the Lebanese system, the Lebanese block vote (voters vote for as many representatives as there are seats) would not be a good option, since in practice it often means majority groups imposing their preferred “minority representatives” without any real proportionality. So perhaps the most promising solution is one that would involve no quotas at all: It has been suggested that a roll of voters prepared back in 2004 enjoys greater legitimacy among Turkmens and Arabs than updated registers from the period since 2005. At the same time, this would involve a compromise on the Turkmen side, where some actually propose going as far back as the 1957 census.

Whilst the best mechanism for handling this remains open to debate, there can be no doubt that it would be enormously clarifying to Iraqi voters and a step forward for a more mature form of politics in Iraq if parliamentarians dared to take an open debate on the issue of Kirkuk’s representation. In the past many such debates have remained behind closed doors in consultations between “political leaders” trying to find a “consensus”, but in this case it would be useful to push the limits a little and force a vote in the parliament, and then leave the consensus issue and the pressure that comes with it to the presidency council.

Erdoğan: Iran should not be sole target in nuclear dispute

Excerpt:

“We are completely against nuclear weapons in the Middle East. There is a country in the Middle East that possesses nuclear weapon: Israel. There is a difference, though; Israel is not a member of the IAEA, while Iran is.

Moreover, phosphorus bombs were used in Gaza. What is this? A weapon of mass destruction,” Erdoğan said, referring to the Israeli army's deadly offensive in Gaza last December, leaving more than 1,300 people dead.

“These issues are never brought to the table, and this personally annoys me as a person who is in an office [that carries with it] responsibility,” Erdoğan said. “That is to say, we need to be fairer. We have to act honestly if we want global peace,” he added.

See:

http://www.todayszaman.com/tz-web/news-188200-100-erdogan-iran-should-not-be-sole-target-in-nuclear-dispute.html

Muntadhar Al-Zaidi on Al Jazeera

Muntadhar Al-Zaidi on Al Jazeera
by Layla Anwar
arabwomanblues.blogspot.com/2009/09/muntadhar-al-zaidi-on-al-jazeera.html

Part I
September 26, 2009
I have done a simultaneous translation of Al Zaidi meeting with Al Jazeera Ghassan Ben Jeddu in an exclusive interview part I. Please consult my tweets on Twitter (click here) for the full translation. I will try to put it in a post form later on.
Layla Anwar's tweets about Muntadhar Al-Zaidi's interview

My HERO al Zaidi live on al Jazeera Arabic with Ghassan Ben Jedu. I dont like Ghassan at all.

My HERO has the OLD IRAQI flag on - YES !!!

Al Zaidi is thanking all of you out there who supported him
He says he has no respect for the invader G.Bush.
He wanted to erase the false pretended image that Iraqis welcomed Americans with flowers.
He says he saw limbs of children in rubbles , these images amongst others were printed in his heart.
He says that his pen dried, and his voice was muted, and other journalists were silent.. the only thing he had left was his shoe !
He said he could have not done anything and live a comfy life, or face the invader and take revenge...and pay the consequences.
he threw the same shoe that he wore during 50 days in Sadr City and in Mosul
He was expecting to be killed before doing his act. He gave his silver ring to his friend just in case.
American security searched the journalists in a humiliating and brutal way.
they gave him a badge saying welcome to the news conf. of the White House in IRAQ !!!!
He is talking of the raped women and the elderly having the boots of US soldiers on their heads, he talks of Sadr city massacre by F16
He said he saw a beheaded girl in Sadr city by the American bombs. He said he was ready for martyrdom for the Iraqi cause.
He professed the Shahada and asked for forgiveness from Allah, and was ready to throw his shoe in the face of Bush. He was a little hesitant
He said to himself if i dont do anything I will be a coward all my life...I will die as a coward because my self will not forgive me
he had prepared his shoe,and he said as an ARAB he could not hit Bush from the back but only from the front. Only face to face.

He gave his journalist badge so his fellow journalists would not be killed.

When he threw his first shoe the world stopped and saw nothing
but bush and the blood of Iraqi innocents.
Al Maliki security guards beated him with his mouth closed and with their rings leaving marks on his face. The American security told no don't hit him.
The Iraqis my brothers do this me, and broke my tooth by punching me on the face they pulled him from the conf.rm as he was deliberately screaming so the world can hear him. they dragged him from his feet
like israelis did to palestinians. his glasses fell off and he remembered Omar Al Mukhtar. He calls them the IRAQI ZIONISTS.

then they carried him and threw him on the floor, tore his clothes down and dragged him on the floor and tied his hands with electrical cable
then dragged to a muddy pool naked in the cold and was hit with a metal rod breaking his fingers, all over his body until the guy got tired

then they asked if he was shia or sunni and called him AQ and he refused to answer. he said am a muslim and then said am from the south

they insulted my dead parents and said my name is Muntadhar MAHDI, then americans arrived so they stopped beating me.
He saw the US boot the iraqis feared the americans. He felt that was even more humiliatiing.
All ministers were watching from afar, they threw a blanket on him
so others don't see his wounds.
He was put in a small van then to a house and then broke his nose, bleedlng all over, hands torn, and a doc wires, electrocuted, while he was wet, 220 Volts, and broke a table on his back. And he felt he was going to die.
They got him a track suit and asked him to eat.
He was still bleeding from all over. He did not eat. They insulted him again and his dead parents-

They took him again in another van to another place 150m from Maliki's office. They kept beating him and they left him with no blanket
and he was not allowed to go to toilet.
He called on the guards and managed to unwrap his hands and blindfolds. the house was empty he thought I can escape and they would call him a criminal escapee. He tied his hands and blindedfolded himself again. the torturer walked in and threw freezing water in january on him and started to flog him with an electrical cable. And they were laughing while doing that.

He kept flogging him and he was wishing to lose consciousness. Samir Haddad the doc came in again. His body was purple. The doc asked him
to confess...which party, which movement. they would terrorize him and stamp on his broken foot. and ask him for which country he worked
he says maliki never visited him he was lying.

Part I is over, part II is next week.