dimanche 29 juin 2008

Dr Hassan Aydinli, ITF Europe Representative's intervention at Kerkuk Conference at EU Parliament on 23 June 2008

Dr Hassan Aydinli, ITF Europe Representative’s interventions at

Conference: “Kerkuk Problem and Article 140: Dealing with Alternatives”

The views of Kerkuk’s Turkmen and Arabs

at the EU Parliament in Brussels on 23rd June 2008.

What follows is a résumé of Dr. Hassan Aydinli’s interventions.

First intervention:

At one point during the conference a Kurdish ‘agent provocateur’ (who had previously been taking individual photographs of all the people who attended the conference) and who presented himself as a ‘Middle East Journalist’, abruptly and vehemently interfered saying that the conference was pure propaganda, that Kurds had not been invited as speakers and adding that he defied anyone to give instances where Kurds had killed Assyrians or Turkmens.

Dr. Hassan Aydinli immediately disputed his allegations by showing the attendees a list of names and photographs of Turkmens who have been massacred by Kurds in 1959.

Ms. Ana Gomes, MEP, answered the Kurd’s false claims that no Kurds had been invited as speakers at the Conference, saying that she had sent out invitations but that no Kurdish representative had shown their willingness or accepted to attend.

On hearing this, the Kurdish agent provocateur left the conference.

Second intervention:

Later during the conference Dr. Hassan Aydinli took the floor to react to MEP, Ms. Ana Gomes’ speech, during which she said that the ‘pragmatist Kurds had recently declared in Dubai that they were willing to compromise and to share power in Kerkuk’ .

Dr. Aydinli said that when KRG Prime Minister, Mr. Nechirvan Barzani, made this statement he was addressing Arab media in Dubai, and that what he had declared is quote “that Kurds were willing to share power with Arabs in Kerkuk” unquote, he deliberately omitted to mention the Turkmens who are the original inhabitants of Kerkuk, the main components of the city and the first to be concerned by the issue of Kerkuk and the future of this city. Dr Aydinli added that the Turkmens who represent 12% of the Iraqi population are Iraq’s third main community, and the second main community in the north of Iraq where they represent over 30% of the population.

He further said that Kurds tend to consider the entire north of Iraq as ‘Kurdistan’ and that they want to divide Iraq in two regions: Kurds and Arabs, thereby denying the right of the Turkmens to be recognized as the third main community in Iraq by considering them as a ‘minority’.

Dr Aydinli pointed out that in the draft of the “Kurdish Region Constitution” Kurds have included Turkmen cities and towns in the Kurdish region and they consider Turkmens, Arabs and Keldo-Assyrians as ‘minorities’ living in ‘Kurdistan’. Furthermore, these so-called ‘minorities’ have no right to have their own region or autonomy within Kurdistan (Articles 2, 3 and 6).

Dr Aydinli said that Turkmens are a stabilizing factor for the unity of Iraq and that the denial to recognize the Turkmens’ rights would be a destabilizing factor.

Referring to democracy and fairness he gave the example of the Federal system in Belgium where there are three communities: the Flemish, the Walloons and the German-speaking Belgians, emphasizing that the latter who are the smallest group, with their 72.000 people, have their own region and government in Belgium’s federal system, although they represent less than 1% of the Belgian population, while the 3 million Turkmens in Iraq are being denied the right to have their rights and their own region.

Dr. Aydinli continued on the subject of the marginalization of the Turkmens in today’s Iraq despite the false claims of democracy, by giving the example of the German speaking Belgians, who with their 72.000 people, represent Belgium’s third community. He said that this small group of German speaking Belgians had exactly the same rights as the two main communities in Belgium, the Flemish and the Walloons. Adding that unfortunately Iraq’s 3 million Turkmens are still suffering from discrimination and marginalisation in today’s Iraq.

He further complained about the process of normalization and about the Iraqi Property Claims Commission (IPCC) which to-date has not done anything to compensate the Turkmens for the loss of their properties and lands under the former regime, he said that from the 35.000 claims which have been handed to the commission in Kerkuk four years ago, the Commission has dealt with less than 5.000 claims, all belonging to Kurds, while the remaining 30.000+ claims, ALL belonging to Turkmens, are still pending

Notes taken by Merry Fitzgerald
Assistant of ITF Europe Representative

samedi 28 juin 2008

Iraqi Turkmen Front Europe Representative's comments and recommendations to Representatives from the EU Parliament and the EU Commission

Iraqi Turkmen Front Europe Representative’s comments and recommendations to Representatives from the EU Parliament and the EU Commission
at the Heinrich Böll Foundation

On Thursday 26th June 2008 at Regus House - Brussels.

Iraqi Turkmen Front Europe Representative, Dr Hassan Aydinli
and Mrs. Merry Fitzgerald of the Committee for the Defence of the Iraqi Turkmens' Rights were invited at the Heinrich Böll Lecture.

Is the security situation in Iraq improving?

According to US General David H Petraeus, the top U.S. commander in Iraq who has been nominated to head American forces in the Middle East, the security situation in Iraq has improved significantly since September 2007, even though the progress that has been made since spring is "fragile and reversible". In other words, the surge is showing effect. French Minister of Foreign Affairs Bernard Kouchner during his visit to Baghdad on 1 June expressed the feeling "that things are better as statistics show a drop in security incidents". Is this assessment shared by the EU institutions? How should the EU's involvement in Iraq develop and what can we expect from the French presidency? Finally, what will change under the new US administration (McCain or Obama) and (how) are the US presidential election already influencing the US policy in Iraq?


Ilana Bet-El, academic, author and policy adviser, Brussels

Karin Gatt-Rutter, European Commission, DG External Relations, Unit F2, Iraq Desk

Ivana Vuco, independent consultant, formerly deputy head of human rights office with the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI)

William H. Wiley, Director (Rule of Law) Tsamota Ltd; International Law Advisor, Iraqi High Tribunal (2006-2008)


Claude Weinber, Director EU Regional Office Heinrich Böll Foundation Brussels.

25 People had been invited to this lecture, among whom:

Mr. Nickolay MLADENOV, Member of the European Parliament, Vice-Chairman of Inter-Parliamentary delegation for Relations with Iraq

Ms. Sabine MEYER, Adviser on International Relations, Security and Coordination of urgent resolutions at the European Parliament

Mr. Alexander BLYTH, Chief of Staff, Eujust Lex

Ms. Alina CHRISTOVA, Political Adviser at the European Parliament

Several senior advisers at the European Parliament, representatives of European Institutions and a representative of the U.S.


Ms. Marianne EBERTOWSKI, Director Foreign and Security Policy Heinrich Böll Foundation.

Iraqi Turkmen Front Europe Representative's comments and recommendations

Dr. Hassan Aydinli, ITF Europe Representative, took part in the discussions and made a general assessment of the situation in Iraq since the invasion of the country in March 2003, he condemned the aggression on the Iraqi people by the Anglo-American forces which has caused the deaths of over one million two hundred thousand Iraqis, has made more than one million widows and four million orphans, has caused the displacement of over 4.5 million Iraqis inside and outside Iraq, and has destroyed the entire infrastructure of the country as well as the social fabric of the Iraqi society.

Dr. Aydinli contested the propaganda of the American and British occupiers who claim that by changing the regime in 2003 they brought democracy in Iraq; he added that democracy cannot be imported and that the Occupation is illegal and a violation of Iraq’s sovereignty.

He said that the January 2005 and December 2005 elections were rigged and were anything except ‘democratic’ adding that the people in the government are mostly inefficient and corrupt and are not working in the interest of the Iraqi people, that they do not represent the Iraqi people and that if true democratic elections were held the majority of the Iraqi people would not vote for them.

Concerning the Constitution Dr. Aydinli said that it is totally unfair as it classifies the Iraqi people in two categories: the Arabs and Kurds as first class citizens and the rest of the Iraqi population, namely, Turkmens, Keldo-Assyrians and others, as ‘minorities’ and hence as second class citizens. Furthermore he deplored the inclusion of some unusual terms such as ‘contested territories’ in the ‘new’ Iraqi Constitution, as within the boundaries of a sovereign country there are no such things as ‘contested territories’.

He also deplored the inclusion of some disputed articles in the Constitution, such as article 140 which was supposed to deal with the so-called ‘contested territories including Kerkuk’ through a three phase process: normalization, census and a referendum which was supposed to be held before 31st December 2007.

He said that the terms ‘contested territories’ and article 140, which was supposed to deal with these ‘contested territories’, have been written and included in the Iraqi Constitution under pressure from the Kurdish parties who took advantage of the chaos caused by the invasion and occupation of Iraq to maximize their gains. The Kurds’ objective is to annex these so-called ‘contested territories’ which consist mainly of Turkmen districts, cities and towns, i.e. Turkmeneli, which is the region inhabited by Turkmens, as well as the plains of Ninewah which is the region inhabited by Keldo-Assyrians and some Arab districts in the north of Iraq to the Kurdish autonomous region.

Kurds pretend that the entire north of Iraq is ‘Kurdistan’ therefore, they want to annex the territories of Turkmens, Arabs and Keldo-Assyrians to their Kurdish autonomous region, including the cities of Kerkuk and Mosul which have never been Kurdish, and this after having been given the Turkmen city of Erbil (a historical Turkmen city since 1.200 years) by the Ba’ath regime in 1970, against the will of the Turkmen inhabitants of the city.

The Kurds’ ambition and illegitimate demands to incorporate the ‘contested territories’ to their autonomous region have turned the entire north of Iraq and especially the oil rich city of Kerkuk into a powder keg.

Moreover, Dr. Aydinli pointed out that the new Iraqi Constitution as it is written is undemocratic seeing that it gives the Kurdish minority the right to veto any modification of the Constitution even if the modification is demanded by the majority of the Iraqis !

Dr. Aydinli said that one must stop referring to the Iraqi people as: “Kurds, Sunni and Shi’a” because this classification is an invention of the neo-cons to divide the Iraqi people along ethnic and sectarian lines, he said that this classification has no legitimacy and is irrational as it mixes ethnicity (Kurds) with religion (Sunni, Shi’a) and deliberately omits to name the Arabs, the Turkmens, the Keldo-Assyrians, and other ethnic groups which together represent at least 84% of the Iraqi people.

The Turkmens with their 3 million people, representing 12% of the Iraqi population, are the third main ethnic group composing the Iraqi people, they represent 30% of the population in the north of Iraq where they constitute the second most important ethnic group after the Kurds, however, despite these facts, the Turkmens are unjustly referred to as a “minority” in the Iraqi Constitution. Furthermore, Turkmens are also unjustly considered as a “minority” in the “draft Constitution” of the Kurdish region.

Dr. Aydinli also complained about the process of normalization and about the Iraqi Property Claims Commission (IPCC) which to-date has not done anything to compensate the Turkmens for the loss of their properties and lands under the former regime, he said that from the 35.000 claims which have been handed to the Commission in Kerkuk four years ago, the Commission has dealt with less than 5.000 claims, all belonging to Kurds, while the remaining 30.000+ claims, ALL belonging to Turkmens, are still ‘pending’.

Dr. Aydinli urged the Europeans to get more involved in Iraq; he said that all countries which had not participated in the aggression would be welcomed by the Iraqi people.

He asked the EU representatives to put pressure on the Iraqi government and especially on the Kurdish parties asking them to stop their policy of marginalization and discrimination against the Turkmens, and asking them to proceed with the revision of the Iraqi Constitution without delay in order to eliminate discriminatory articles and terms, so that it can be accepted by ALL Iraqis, including the Turkmens and Keldo-Assyrians.

Dr. Aydinli further stated that the majority of the Iraqi people want the withdrawal of all foreign occupation troops as their presence is the source of all the problems in Iraq.

He insisted on the necessity to send EU observers for the coming elections in Iraq, especially in the north of the country, to prevent the frauds and cheatings in favour of the Kurds which characterised the last two general elections.

He asked the EU representatives to put pressure on the Iraqi government to improve the human rights in Iraq, saying it is urgent to improve the living conditions of Iraqis who have suffered too much and too long from lack of security, lack of basic services such as potable water, electricity, lack of jobs, healthcare and education.

Finally, Dr. Aydinli insisted that special attention should be given to Iraq’s Turkmens and Keldo-Assyrians who are very vulnerable and are suffering under Kurdish hegemony in the north of Iraq.

vendredi 27 juin 2008



Kerkük’te yasa dışı eylemlere bir yenisi eklendi. Kerkük’ün nufus sayımını sahte belgelerle ortaya koymak isteyen bir takım taraflar bu kez Kerkük İnsan hakları merkezinin adını kullandı. Kerkük’ün çeşitli semtlerinde gerçekleştirilen bu yasa dışı eylemin mahelli seçimlerin yaklaşmasıyle birlikte gündeme gelmesi dikkat çekmektedir.

Kerkük insan hakları merkezi konuya ilişkin bir bildiri yayınlamıştır. Yayınlanan bildiride bu kurum olarak bu tür çalışmaları başlatmadıklarını yapılan eylemde kurumun adı kullanıldığını buna karşın gereken hukuki işlemlerini başlatacağı ifade edildi.

Kerkük’e yıllardır getirilen Kerküklü olmayanlar ile birlikte Kerkük’e sahte nufus sayımı uygulamak isteyen bazı taraflar buna benzeri çok sayıda oyunlar düzenlemişlerdir.

mercredi 25 juin 2008

Uygur Türkleri Avrupa Birliği önünde Çin'i protesto etti.

Uygur Türkleri Avrupa Birliği önünde Çin'i protesto etti.

Uygur Türkleri Belçika´nın başkenti Brüksel´de bulunan Avrupa Birliği binaları önünde Çin´in Uygur Türklerine yönelik baskı politikasını ve Çin´in başkenti Pekin´de yapılacak olan 2008 Olimpiyatlarını protesto etti.

100´e yakın göstericinin katıldığı protesto eyleminde Türkiye ve Azerbaycan bayrakları da dikkat çekerken protestocular, ´Uygurlara demokrasi, Uygurlara insan hakları, Çin´i protesto edelim´ şekilinde sloganlar atarak Çin HAlk Cımhuriyeti´ne tepkilerini gösterdiler.

Belçika İslam Federasyonu başkanı Zeki Bayraktar´ın da katılımcılar arasında olduğu gözlenirken pek çok basın yayın kurumunun da protesto mitingine ilgi gösterdiği gözlendi.

Dünya Uygur Kurultayı ve Avrupa Doğu Türkistan Birliği yaptıkları açıklamada ´Bilindiği gibi Pekin olimpiyatları nedeni ile yakılan olimpiyat meşalesi 25.06.2008 tarihinde Doğu Türkistan´dan geçecek. Çin hükümeti meşale geçişi esnasında asayişi koruma gerekçesi ile terörist ilan ettiği Uygur Türklerine baskı yapmakta, suçsuz gençleri toplama kamlarına koymaktadır.Önümüzde ki günlerde ise 65 Doğu Türkistanlı kardeşimizi idam cezası ile cezalandırma kararı almışlardır´ dedi.


Iraqis, still in the darkness, looking around, confused... by Faiza al-Arji

Painting by Iraqi Artist ALI TALIB - Crying Mesopotamia


Faiza Al-Arji is an Iraqi Engineer, she has been blogging from Iraq since 2003. Like millions of Iraqis she has been forced to leave her beloved country and is now living in Jordan, where she is trying to help the poor, destitute and forgotten Iraqi refugees.

This is what she wrote on June 20, 2008:

Iraqis, still in the darkness, looking around, confused...

Peace be upon you…I don't know why sometimes the disturbing news pile upon me, unsettling my mood. I long very much for Baghdad; I wish I can book a one-way ticket to her, tear up my passport, and remain to live and work there, till death comes to claim me….By God I am tired of being away, from the hard daily work, from seeing the anguish of the Iraqis here everyday, and I cannot help everybody…I mean; if it was a matter of 50 or a 100 Dinnars, I can help, but thousands of Dinnars are needed for treatment of children, men, and women; and this I cannot provide, after some organizations here abandoned us; organizations that used to give free medical treatment or cover the cost of some operations.

But now the UNHCR is announcing frankly in its monthly meetings with the organizations working with it, that the financing has stopped for any projects concerning the Iraqi refugees.And no one knows the reason why?

Is it a political pressure by America against the Humanitarian organizations, so they would pull out their hands from Iraq? To force the Iraqis into what is called- the voluntary return to their homeland, despite the lack of sufficient security and settlement till now.

The Iraqi Prime Minster, Noori Al-Maliki, came to Amman a week ago, and held a news conference in a grand hotel in Amman. I heard the news from a journalist and the reporter of an Iraqi satellite station who interviewed me last week, to speak about the Iraqis' suffering in Jordan. They both said, separately, that the Iraqi Prime Minster asked for the return of the Iraqis from Jordan to Iraq, saying that the government is prepared to give ID. (1,000,000) to each family, something equal to about US$ (800).

The Iraqi families denounce this talk when they hear it; they do not like it. They say- how do we go back to the state of no security? No water supply, no electricity, and no jobs? What would the $ (800) do for us? We sold our houses, we emigrated from Iraq, and now we have nothing there. This sum of money would pay the rent of an empty house for a few months, then what? What shall we eat, what shall we drink? How shall we mange our lives there? From here we call our kin and relatives inside Iraq, and they say to us- Do not come back! If the life there was better, they would have advised us to return…..

We want a real commitment from the government, to ensure the return of the displaced inside Iraq to their houses and their areas, to provide security, services, and jobs for them, so they can have a decent life in their homeland.

And how can the government ask the Iraqis in Jordan, Syria and Egypt to return to Iraq, while it hasn’t solved the problem of the internally displaced?

How can we believe that the situation has improved?
If those displaced inside Iraq returned to their towns and their conditions settled, now that would be a positive indication to the government's credibility, and the Iraqis living in the neighboring countries will return when they see positive encouraging results on the ground… but now, even with all the suffering and the anguish, we do not think of going back; a least here there is security, water, and electricity…
And I also talk about some families I met here, who are waiting to be re-settled; some of them see this as a temporary solution until Iraq gets back to the state of security and settlement, while others despaired of the improvement in Iraq's conditions, but they all say- our eyes and hearts will keep on watching Iraq, and we will get back as soon as things get better; we do not believe there is a country anywhere more beautiful than Iraq….
I am amazed by the Iraqis' love of Iraq… When I sit with them, every person and every family, in separate meetings, no one knows about the other, but there is one common theme pulsing in their hearts, as if they have all agreed upon it among them…Praise to God… Muslim, Christian, Baptist or Yazeedi, they all say the same words, complain about the same wound… Praise to God who united us on the land of Iraq, to the love of Iraq, and the grief about what happened to it…And this amazing mixture of people lived together for thousands of years, they had an old, deep, common civilization since the dawn of history.

………. Many religions and various cultures lived on the land of Iraq, forming this beautiful mixture of people, who got accustomed to living together through the sweet and the bitter… wars, sanction, hunger, poverty and deprivation, until the last war came in 2003; which dedicated the ripping and tearing of this social, cultural and religious fabric, a fabric that survived for thousands of years in a tight solidity from the roots…

Iraq is going now through one of the worst experience in Iraq's life; a big dilemma that will either break it completely, or, Iraq might emerge from it strong, like the phoenix of the mythology, that will rise from the ashes every time; strong, soaring, like it is created all anew. And that is exactly what I hope will happen one day….

The agonies of the families here are countless… poverty, hunger and deprivation; by lack of finances, lack of food and medical services, patients who come from Iraq with diseases, most of which are cancerous, and the costs of treatment here are disastrous in private hospitals. These people suffer from the shortage of finances to cover the treatment costs, and I personally feel that with them I have lost some face; as I sent e-mails or phone calls asking for financial aid to cover treatment costs for this and that. And then I hear news about some Iraqis who drown themselves in nightclubs, dancing, drinking, and corruption, spending thousands of dollars every night on such silly matters, and say to my self: So; God is our aid, and He is enough.What is happening to the world? Are we passing a phase of losing noble values and an absence of conscience? Where did this hard-heartedness and indifference come from?I do not know…
Sometimes I imagine the world is closing down on me, and my chest tightens…. I wish I can find a forest or an island in a far-off ocean to live in, and forget about these tiring creatures called- humans; I no longer have common points with them…. But my sorrow for the poor and the needy prevents me from running away, forcing me into the commitment to remain and help them; knocking on all doors, not to abandon them…
By day, I am busy working, busy with reports, receipts of the project, and telephone calls with different branches to make sure how the project is going on. I get home very exhausted, with no mood to talk about any subject…And by night I lie in my bed and think with myself:Um Mohammed came from Basra with her 26-year-old son, he has a tumor in the neck; an advanced case of tissue cancer. She suffered here and we suffered with her, while we searched for a donor to cover the costs of the chemical treatment, the x-rays, the chemical analysis, and the examinations.

Um Mohammed's father in law came from Baghdad a week ago; he has a gland in the liver that needs to be removed, the operation requires thousands of dollars, of which they do not own even one, and I don't, either. I don't know; maybe he'll die waiting for a donation.Um Ahmed's husband was kidnapped at his front door, 3 years and 3 months ago, he is possibly in an Iraqi-government's prison; I seek someone to help us locate him…A blind old man's family went back to Baghdad and left him alone. I help him monthly to pay the house rent, but I know that his wife and daughters there in Baghdad suffer hunger and poverty; I cannot help them, I do not have super financial means to cover the expenses of all the needy…Um Salam, a widow with four small children, the elder is no more than 12 years old. How will she raise them?

And life here is like an inferno, because of the high prices; she awaits the approval for re-settlement, but she doubts they will agree to her request, because her husband and her brothers used to work at the Iraqi Interior Ministry in Saddam's time…Isn't there any pure- humanity, for the sake of God? Must politics always interfere to spoil everything? What harm did this woman and her children do?

There is a number of Iraqi women who are alone without families; whose husbands or families were killed and they remained alone, waiting to be re-settled. They face improper advances and molestation by this and that, looking towards a life more dignified and more settled, in some spot in this world. At work, I daily receive women who were beaten and treated cruelly by their husbands. Poverty is the reason in most cases; or the frustration that befalls the man because of poverty and unemployment; they turn him into a wild, cruel, and aggressive creature. This is what happens to some Iraqi families here; the conditions of displacement, poverty, estrangement and degradation all put pressure on the men and the women and increase the rate of family violence…Some women also come to complain about their husband's bad manners, being alcoholics, beating wives and children, or molesting their daughters. God help us; He is our aid, and He is enough…

Are these the signs for the end of time, of the dooms day? That the world has lost its mind, its ethics, its mercy, justice, and all its beautiful features?I, personally, am tired, but I didn't lose hope that some people still exist in this world who form a beautiful face to it…They are a minority, no doubt, but they still exist……… perhaps one in every thousand….And thank God for every thing… We ask Him to support us, give us strength, and help us to do what He would be satisfied with, on this earth…Amen……And I still wish to find a forest or an island to escape to sometimes, so my soul would rest from the burden of thinking of all these disasters every day........
# posted by Faiza Al-Arji @ 8:32 PM
Friday, June 20, 2008

Iraqi Kurds sign deals with Talisman as oil meetings restart in Baghdad

By BEN LANDO, UPI Energy Editor
Published: June 23, 2008

Iraq's Kurdish government has signed two oil deals with Canada's Talisman Energy as meetings begin in Baghdad over controversial oil issues.

Calgary-based Talisman now has a 40 percent interest in the project operated by WesternZagros, the subsidiary spun off from Marathon.

The production sharing contracts the Kurdistan Regional Government has signed with dozens of international oil firms allow the government to designate a "third party interest" in the project. WesternZagros maintains 40 percent and the KRG 20 percent interest.
Talisman also has signed a two-year service agreement to conduct seismic testing of exploration block K39, with an option to sign a production sharing contract.

The KRG has signed contracts with more than 20 international oil companies as part of its push to explore and develop its prospective oil sector. The northern region was largely neglected by Saddam Hussein, but the KRG deals have resulted in about 10,000 barrels per day of oil production currently.

The moves, however, are considered unilateral and illegal by the Iraqi oil minister and others in the federal government, adding to the disputes between the two governments. Iraq's Oil Ministry claims sole right to sign oil deals, says all but the four earliest KRG deals are illegitimate, and threatens to confiscate any oil produced. It's already blacklisted companies that signed with the KRG from bidding on future oil development deals in the rest of Iraq.

KRG Prime Minister Nechirvan Barzani is leading a delegation to Baghdad now, meeting with a federal government team led by Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki. The agenda includes the draft national oil law, which has been sidelined by disputes over control of the Iraqi oil development strategy.

The KRG contends provinces or regions with oil reserves have the right to decide development, but wide opposition favors maintaining central government control.
"The aim is to push for the creation of a hydrocarbon law which includes an efficient free-market approach, enhancing the private sector, encouraging foreign investment, and securing transparency as its main principles," Falah Mustafa Bakir, head of KRG foreign relations, said in a statement.

There are still disputes as to how much, if at all, to reverse the nationalization of Iraq's oil sector and what role the international oil industry will be allowed to play. Iraq has increased oil production to 2.5 million barrels per day, a half million more than the post-2003 average, and has sent more than 2 million bpd to the global market, according to May averages. Iraq's oil unions, along with a cross-section of Iraqi civil and political society, are urging reinvestment in the once prominent domestic oil sector. Sanctions, Saddam Hussein's misuse and decades of war wore down the Iraqi oil establishment.

The Baghdad talks also will include funding for the Peshmerga, the KRG security forces, and the future of disputed territories, which include oil-rich Kirkuk. The central government also accuses the KRG of signing production sharing contracts that extend into the disputed territories.

Talisman said it will spend $80 million on the WesternZagros project for past costs and a commitment for three wells in the future. It also estimates $10 million to $15 million to explore the K39 block. The production sharing contract option would give it a 60 percent interest.
The company will also pay $220 million in what the KRG is calling "corporate social responsibility." Its investment is aimed at the communities where the oil work is to be carried out. The KRG typically has been mum on details of the so-called signing bonuses and other extra payments. It says it will detail all of the extra payments from its oil deals in coming months.
(e-mail: blando@upi.com)


Ana Gomes, MEP

تفاصيل مؤتمر كركوك في البرلمان الاوروبي

Please click on the link below:

mardi 24 juin 2008



اراء المشاركين في مؤتمر كركوك في العاصمة البلجيكية بروكسل

dimanche 22 juin 2008


Chairman: Prof Dr Qulamrza Sebri Tebrizi ITF Europe Representative, Dr Hassan Aydinli, speaking at the Azerbaijani Congress in Brussels

With Mr. Ahmad Obali

10th Annual (Extraordinary) Unity Convention of World Azerbaijanis Congress (WAC) and

Democratic World Azerbaijanis Congress (DWAC)

June 21-23, 2008

Brussels, Belgium.
please see:

Kürt'ler tarafından Kızlar bat kasabasında, Türkmen ve Araplara yönelik

Pazar 22/06/2008

Kürt'ler tarafından Kızlar bat ( sadiye ) kasabasında , Türkmen ve Araplara yönelik ve daha önceden hazırlanmış yok etme kampanyası . 2003 yılından sonra ve bir süreden beri Kürt partileri sorumluları özellikle milli Kürdistan partisi tarafından yasal olmayan ve baskılı yolları kullanarak , zengin ve strateji önemi bulunan kızlar bat – (sadiye) kasabasında bulunan insanları terör bahanesiyle kovup ve aynı yöntem ile Türkmen eli bölgelerinde de bu olaylar devam etmektedir , aynı zamanda anayasadaki ( 140 ) maddenin şekil ve konum tarafından süresi bitmiş bulunuyor ise de , bu maddeyi canlandırmak peşindeler .

Bu kasabanın müdürü Ahmet Zargoşi Kürt partisinin talimatıyla çalışıyor çünkü kendisi aynı parti tarafından atanmıştır , eski Arap müdüründen , yalan bir hikaye nedeniyle kurtuldular . Yeni müdür atandığı günden itibaren bir sürü problemler yaratmıştır Arap ve Türkmen'lerin itirazına rağmen – kasaba – ada yapılan terör olaylarınıda sünni Araplar teröristlerin iş birliğinin yaptığını iddia ediyorlar tüm bu olaylar kasabada istikrarsız bir durum yarattı .

Bu nedenle Irak'lı sorumlular ve özellikle Diyala şehrindeki meclis üyelerinin bir an önce bu ihlalleri tesbit edip uygun bir şekilde sorumlulara sunmaları gerekli ve önemlidir.

Irak Türkmen Cephesi
Enformasyon Dairesi

samedi 21 juin 2008


IRAK TÜRKMEN CEPHESİ الجبهة التركمانية العراقية
(GENEL MERKEZ) (المقر العام)

الدائرة الإعلامية ENFORMASYON DAİRESİ
العدد: 43

SAYI: 43
التاريخ: 21\6\2008

TARİH: 2106.2008

(حملة كردية معدة سلفا لتصفية التركمان والعرب في ناحية قزلرباط – السعدية)

منذ مدة وبعد عام 2003 يقوم مسؤولي الاحزاب الكردية خاصة الحزب الوطني الكردستاني بممارسة الضغوطات والاساليب غير القانونية لطرد وتصفية سكان المناطق الغنية والمهمة استراتيجيا ومنها ناحية قزلرباط – السعدية – بحجة الارهاب الرائجة على الساحة السياسية في هذه الايام او اعتبارهم غير موالين لهم تحت يافطة التخريب . واتباع نفس الاسلوب في مناطق توركمن ايلي الاخرى والتمسك بالماد(140) من الدستور المنتهية فعاليتها شكلا وموضوعا لنفس الغرض ايضا
مديرناحية قزلر باط السيد احمد الزركوشي الخاضع لتوجيهات الحزب أعلاه والمعين من قبله بعد طرد مديرها السابق العربي بوشاية كردية ايضا والذي اثار المشاكل من يوم تعينه رغم معارضة التركمان والعرب ويقوم بتنفيذ اجندة حزبه على حساب أهالي الناحية الاخرين. ويدعي بأن الاعمال الارهابية التي تحصل في الناحية والقرى المحيطة بها هي نتيجة تعاون العرب السنة مع الارهابين مما أدى الى خلق حالة من عدم الاستقرار والتأثير السلبي على الناحية الاقتصادية للبلدة ..ان هذه التصريحات تعتبر تمهيدا للقيام بحملة كردية ضد التركمان والعرب في المنطقة
فعلى المسؤولين العراقيين وخاصة نواب محافظة ديالى في مجلس النواب التدخل واثارة الموضوع في المحافل السياسية والاتصال بالمسؤولين لتدارك الموقف والتحقق من هذه الخروقات تمهيدا لعرضها على الجهات المسؤولة .

الدائرة الاعلامية
الجبهة التركمانية العراقية

العنوان: كركوك- طريق بغداد- قرب بناية المحافظة Adres:Kerkük. Bağdat yolu. Valilik binası yanında
Tel: 00946050. 221462 E.mail:ITC_media@yahoo.com

خلية ازمة كركوك تدعو الى تأجيل انتخابات مجالس المحافظات

IRAK TÜRKMEN CEPHESİ الجبهة التركمانية العراقية

(GENEL MERKEZ) (المقر العام)

الدائرة الإعلامية ENFORMASYON DAİRESİ

العدد: 44

SAYI: 44
التاريخ: 21\6\2008

TARİH: 21.06.2008

خلية ازمة كركوك تدعو الى تأجيل انتخابات مجالس المحافظات

دعت خلية ازمة كركوك الى تأجيل انتخابات مجالس المحافظات الى موعد أخرعلى ان تجري لجميع المحافظات العراقية الثمانية عشرة بنفس التاريخ لعدم افساح المجال لانتقال المواطنين بين المحافظات للتأثير على حجم المكونات القومية والسياسية

لايخفى ان الاخلالات العديدة التي حدث في الانتخابات الماضية ( وما دعت اليها خلية كركوك واحدة منها ) والتي جرت من طرف الحزبين الكرديين أدت الى افراز واقع غير حقيقي لمدينة كركوك

ان تحديد وحصر التجاوزات السكانية من قبل لجنة مختصة في مجلس النواب وتوفير الدعم الدولي لها للعمل على رفعها رغم اصرار الاطراف الكردية على تلك التجاوزات هو الطريق الصحيح لاجراء انتخابات نزيهة وبعكسه فان التركمان والعرب والكلدو أشوريين يعرفون نتيجة الانتخابات مسبقا وهذا ما لايقبله أي وطني شريف

ان على مجلس النواب والحكومة العراقية ان لاترضخ لضغوط الجانب الكردي حول مشكلة كركوك والمشاكل الاخرى وان تعمل حسب المصلحة العراقية العليا

ان الطلب المقدم من قبل خلية ازمة كركوك هو مطلب وطني مخلص واذا اهمل هذا الطلب فان التركمان مضطرين الى مقاطعة الانتخابات وطلب الحماية الدولية والاقليمية ومطالبة الامم المتحدة لان تأخذ دورها الحقيقي في حماية حقوق التركمان والعرب والكلدوأشوريين في محافظة كركوك ان عجزت الحكومة المركزية عن توفيرها

الدائرة الاعلامية
الجبهة التركمانية العراقية

العنوان: كركوك- طريق بغداد- قرب بناية المحافظة Adres:Kerkük. Bağdat yolu. Valilik binası yanında

Tel: 00946050.221462





Biz, Türkmeneli dışındaki Türkmen dernek, örgüt ve hareketleri olarak, Kerkükte yapılan Türkmen kongresine ve seçimlerine, yurt dışındaki Türkmenlerin görüşünü bildirmek isteriz.
Türkmenlerin ve Türkmenelinin bu kritik zamanında tarihi bir kavşakta olduğumuzun bilincindeyiz. Eğer doğru seçim yapılırsa, yeni ekibin, tarihimizde büyük bir değişim yapacağına inanıyoruz.

Irak, kurulduğundan beri, üçüncü ana unsur olan Türkmenler hep dışlanmışlar ve meşru hakları ellerinden alınmıştır.

Hepimizin kabul etmesi gereken acı gerçek var ki Türkmenlerin haklarına kavuşmamalarının sebebi, düşmanlarının gücünden ziyade, Türkmenlerin parçalanmışlığı ve kendi aralarındaki çekişmelerle tükettikleri enerjinin heba olmasından dolayıdır.

Şimdi değişim zamanı gelmiştir. Türkmenlerin başına geçmişten ders alan ve geleceğe yönelen bir ekip gelmelidir.

Bu ekibin seçiminde aşağıdaki kriterlerin kullanılmasını şart görüyoruz:

1- Seçilecek ekip (Haklar verilmez- Alınır) ilkesiyle hareket edip Türkmenlerin Milli Kurtuluş Mücadelesini başlatmalıdır. Bu işi yapacak ekibin mücadeleci ruhlu olması ve geçmişte bu konuda tecrübeli olması gereklidir.

2- Seçilecek ekibin mutlaka bir Eylem Planı olmalıdır. Bu planı, delegeler önüne serip, tartışmaya açmalıdır. Işe başladığı günden itibaren bu planı uygulaması ve sonuçlarını Türkmen Meclisinin önüne sermelidir. Türkmen Meclisi, periyodik olarak bu planın uygulamalarını gözden geçirmelidir.

3- Seçilecek ekip, Türkmenlere karşı yapılan terör ve baskıların karşısında duracak olan Türkmen Savunma Gücünü kurmalıdır.

4- Seçilecek ekibin Türkmenler arasında, Birlik ve Beraberliği birinci amaç edinip, Mezhep, Lehçe ve Bölge farkı gözetmemelidir. Türkmenelinin tüm bölgelerini temsil etmelidir. Türkmen enerjisinin içe değil dışa yönelmesini sağlamalıdır.

5- Seçilecek ekibin ana amacı Türkmenleri özerkliğe kavuşturmak ve özerk Türkmenelini kurmak olmalıdır.

6- Seçilecek ekip, tüm Türkmen partilerinin, örgütlerinin ve hareketlerinin dahil olduğu bir Türkmen Parlamentosunun kurulmasına çalışmalıdır.

7- Seçilecek ekip, her türlü yolsuzluk, eş, dost ve akraba kayırma işlemlerinin karşısında sert bir şekilde durmalı ve önlemelidir.

8- Seçilecek ekip, Türkmenlerin dünyaya açılan tek penceresi olan Türkmeneli Televizyonunu, yok edilmekle karşı karşıya kalmış bir toplumun sesi haline getirmeli. Bu televizyon, Türkmenlerin Milli Kurtuluş Mücadelesinin ilham kaynağı olmalıdır.

9- Seçilecek ekip, dış ülkelerde Türkmen davası uğrunda çalışmakta olan bütün kuruluşlarla aktif bir şekilde iletişim içinde olup gereken bütün maddi ve manevi desteğini esirgememelidir. Seçilecek yeni Türkmen meclisinde Dış Türkmenlere ait bir kontenjan ayrılmalıdır. Merkezi dışarıda olan bir Dış Türkmenler Konseyi kurulmalıdır.

İmzalayan Dernek, Örgüt ve Hareketler:

1- Ali Yılmaz- Bir Ocak Türkmen Kültür Derneği / Chicago/ Amerika.

2- Hasan Aydınlı - Irak Türkmen Hakları Savunma Komitesi/ Brüksel/ Belçika.

3- Yalçın Mutapçı - Türkmen Tanış Derneği / Hollanda.

4- Salih Cavuşoğlu - Irak Türkmen Orgütü- ITO/ Ottawa/ Kanada.

5- Ismet Şükür - Kanada- Irak Türkleri Derneği / Hamilton/ Kanada.

6- Nihad Ilhanlı - Türkmen Halk Partisi/ Ottawa/ Kanada.

7- Eyyüp Bezzaz - Irak Türkmen Hakları Savunma Komitesi/ Ingiltere.

8- Muwaffaq Salman – Irak Türkmen Insan Hakları Vakfı/ Irlanda.

9- Hüseyin Şükür - Irak Türkmen Derneği / Vasteras / Isveç

10- Kemal Beyatlı – Irak Türkleri Derneği- Genel Merkez / Istanbul / Türkiye

11- Yılmaz Towfiq – Türkmen Yolu Gurubu / Isveç

12- Orhan Ketene – Musul Birliği Hareketi /Amerika

13- Ali Koçak – Newyork Türkmen Enstitüsü / Amerika

vendredi 20 juin 2008



They're Baaack; It is Politically Inconvenient to Acknowledge . . .

The consortium of American and European oil companies that had dominated Iraqi petroleum in the twentieth century is returning to Iraq to carry out service agreements aimed at expanding production in four southern oil fields.

Jonathan Steele reports,

' But the deals, known as service contracts, are unusual, said Greg Mutitt, co-director of Platform, an oil industry research group. "Normally such service contracts are carried out by specialist companies ... The majors are not normally interested in such deals, preferring to invest in projects that give them a stake in ownership of extracted oil and the potential for large profits.
The explanation is that they see them as a stepping stone..."He said the companies' lawyers had been insisting "on extension rights under which each company would get first preference on any future contract for the field on which it has worked".'

Bush and Cheney clearly went into Iraq primarily in order to put US petroleum firms in precisely this favored position. The US power elite wanted this outcome and connived actively at it.

As Alan Greenspan put it, “I am saddened that it is politically inconvenient to acknowledge what everyone knows: the Iraq war is largely about oil.”

Poor Iraq has been looted, occupied, and disrupted by the industrialized West for a century because of the curse of its oil wealth.
The Iraqi Petroleum Company was until 1929 the Turkish Petroleum Company since it began in 1912 with a concession from the Ottoman Empire, which ruled Iraq before the 1917 British conquest. The victors of World War I used their victory to leverage themselves into Iraqi oil. The Ottomans had thrown in with Germany and Austria in 1914, and were defeated by the victorious allies.

Iraq was considered a successor state to the Ottomans in its territory and so shared in the ignominy and disadvantage of defeat. A German company was one of the original concessionaries, but the French usurped its shares as a spoil of war; that was how the Compagnie Francaise des Petroles, now Total, got into Iraq. And, as one of the victors in the war, the US pressed claims to enter the concession, with its oil majors eventually being awarded a quarter of the shares.

The San Remo conference of 1920 deeply disappointed Iraqis by awarding the country to Britain as a League of Nations Mandate, or colony with term limits. The Iraqis had wanted immediate independence, and launched a months-long revolution against the British that summer. San Remo did set aside a 20 percent share in the oil concession for Iraqis, but the Western petroleum companies refused to allow implementation of that provision, locking Iraqis out of any possession of their own petroleum. They did offer to pay the Iraqi government a small royalty based on their profits, but said that would not kick in for 20 years!

The Iraqi Petroleum Company was notorious for not training Iraqis to fill management positions, implementing a typical colonial business model.

In 1958 the British-installed monarchy was overthrown in Baghdad by an officers' coup that was accompanied by popular revolt. Gen. Abd al-Karim Qasim [Kassim] in 1961 issued Law 80, revoking the Iraqi Petroleum Company's claims on undeveloped fields in the rest of Iraq, beyond the ones they already had developed. He set March, 1963, as the date on which the decree would be implemented. In February, 1963, he was overthrown by the Baath Party. It is rumored that the US was complicit with that coup, and some Baathists who made it said so. The US also certainly did have foreknowledge of it.

If Washington thought the Baath would revoke Law 80, however, they were disappointed. The Baath did cooperate in destroying the Iraqi Communist Party, but it kept Qasim's oil law. The Iraq Petroleum Company retaliated by keeping Iraq's production relatively low and so starving the government of oil rents, and by not giving Baghdad as favorable terms as some other OPEC countries. After 8 months, the Baath was overthrown by another clique of officers, who ruled until 1968.

The nationalist officers in Iraq were outraged by US and Dutch support of Israel in the 1967 war, and joined an oil boycott of the West that began that June. The nationalist Iraqi regime also put pressure on other Gulf oil countries to take control of their resources away from American firms that were essentially allied with Israel via their government in Washington. The later round of oil nationalizations were in some ways Arab revenge for the humiliating defeat in 1967.

In 1968 the Baath returned to power in a second coup, and in 1971 President Ahmad Hasan al-Bakr nationalized the IPC. Below is an initial CIA analysis of the 1972 nationalization of Iraqi petroleum. I am omitting the Agency's incorrect prediction that Iraq would find it difficult to market its nationalized petroleum.

The CIA could not have foreseen the 1973 Arab oil boycott or the quadrupling of oil prices in the rest of the 1970s.

"CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY Directorate of Intelligence

June 1972



1. In a sudden and dramatic move on 1 June 1972, the Iraqi government nationalized all the assets of the Iraq Petroleum Company (IPC), a consortium of US, British, Dutch, and French oil firms operating in northern Iraq. The nationalization culminates 11 years of smoldering disputes between the members of the oil consortium and the Iraqi government. The same group of oil firms also controls the only two other non-government oil-producing companies in Iraq – the Mosul Petroleum Company (MPC) and the Basrah Petroleum Company (BPC). These companies, which have less production than the IPC, have not been affected by the nationalization decree. In concert with the Iraqi move, the Syrian government seized the Syrian portion of the IPC pipeline through which the oil produced in northern Iraq is transported to ports on the eastern Mediterranean. This memorandum describes the events leading up to the nationalization and analyzes Iraq's ability to maintain output and sales of the newly acquired oil. In addition, the possible repercussions on the Iraqi economy and the world oil market resulting from the action are discussed . . .



2. The source of the present conflict between Iraq and IPC is rooted in "Law 80" promulgated in 1961 [by Abd al-Karim Qasim (Kassim)]. From 1925 until 1961, IPC held concessions in Iraq covering virtually the entire country. This law withdrew from IPC all concession acreage not then being worked by IPC companies – an area amounting to more than 99% of the total. The canceled concessions included the potentially prolific North Rumaila oilfield that IPC had discovered and partly developed, but from which production had not yet begun.

The companies refused to acknowledge the validity of the law, and for more than a decade the dispute simmered. Intermittent government-company discussions failed to resolve the issue. In retaliation, IPC refused to grant Iraq the same financial benefits that other members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC)* were able to obtain in the mid-1960s, such as expensing royalties. This action has led to an Iraqi claim for back payments of nearly $400 million. Negotiations on the back payments claims and the North Rumaila issue took place again in January and February 1972 but ended in deadlock primarily because of IPC's adamant stand on compensation for the loss of the North Rumaila oilfield. . .

3. Tensions between IPC and the government were accentuated when oil production from the northern oilfields dropped sharply during March, April, and early May 1972. The Iraqis regarded this cutback as a further attempt to apply retaliatory pressure against the government following the breakdown of negotiations in February. By mid-May as the Revolutionary Command Council (RCC) saw the serious downturn in government oil receipts, which are vitally needed for political as well as economic reasons, IPC was threatened with confiscatory legislation if the company did not increase production from the northern oilfields, agree on a long-term production program, and make a "positive offer" on the other outstanding issues.

On 31 May, IPC agreed to increase production from the northern oilfields and to set up a long-range production program but continued to demand compensation for the loss of North Rumaila. By then the RCC had already decided on the need for a dramatic political move, and Oil Minister Hamadi rejected the proposal out-of-hand, insisting that Iraq would never pay compensation for the North Rumaila field. The nationalization law was adopted the next day.

4. IPC has six shareholders: British Petroleum (BP), Shell Petroleum, and Compagnie Francaise des Petroles (CFP) [Total], each with 23.75%; the two American oil companies, Mobil and Standard Oil (New Jersey)[now Exxon], are equal partners in the Near East Development Corporation and jointly own another 23.75%; and the C.S. Gulbenkian Estate owns the remaining 5%. The company's production comes mainly from the Kirkuk oilfield in northern Iraq and is exported via pipeline across Syria to the eastern Mediterranean ports of Banias in Syria and Tripoli in Lebanon.

Prospects for Iraq's Producing and Marketing the Oil

5. Although production has apparently now been stopped on orders from Baghdad, output could begin on short notice. Maintaining output from the nationalized facilities and transporting the oil from the Kirkuk field to the Mediterranean ports should pose no insurmountable problems for the Iraqis. The operation of the northern fields is already almost entirely in the hands of Iraqi nationals who are expected to remain under the new ownership. The Syrians similarly should encounter little difficulty operating the IPC pipeline.

6. Production is not the problem, however. The most serious problem facing the Iraqis is finding buyers. The companies comprising IPC control a large share of the world oil market. It is unlikely that they would agree to market the nationalized oil without an Iraqi commitment for prompt and adequate compensation. . . "

Well, the compensation hasn't been prompt. It is now likely to be adequate.

Behind the new wave of assassinations in Mosul

Published by : Roads to Iraq

June 18, 2008A new wave of assassinations in Mosul. According Al-Fatehoon, a new initiative from the Talabani, Barzani and Abdu Al-Aziz Al-Hakim to dominate the upcoming provincial election in Mosul. A secret meeting took place negotiates the new developments after the Maliki’s "Lion Roar".

The meeting discussed the gathering of intelligence about Iraqi army movements, and a security group is formed with the task of assassination of the Kurdish parties oppositions in the city, especially the Islamic Party members.

The two interesting points about this are:
- Most wanted because of his connection to the fake Al-Qaeda attacks and assassinations in Mosul, Kurdish governor’s deputy Khosro Curran is one of the attendees to the meeting.
- Al-Hakim is going to use a small Shiite Shabak minority [traced back to the sixteenth century], to host Badr Brigades members and the Iranian intelligence members.


mercredi 18 juin 2008

Irak – Türkiye sınırı iki Kürt partisinin istihbarat dairesimi oldu acaba ?

Irak dışına yolculuk yapan Türkmen'ler tüm sınır kapılarını denemek istiyorlar, (İbrahim Halil) sınır kapısı dışında , çünkü bu kapı özellikle Türkmen gençleri için bir soruşturma kapısına dönüştü . Kürt idaresi tarafından sorulan can sıkıcı sorulardan bazıda , Türkiye'ye yolculuk nedenleri , Türkiye'de kimler tarafından karşılanacakları ve vize alma yolları .

Bu kışkırtmalar küçümseltmek haline vardı , valizler , elbiseler ahlaksız bir şekilde aranıyor , cep telefonlarındaki adlar, fotoğraflar, şarkılar inceleniyor, eğer Irak Türkmen Cephesiyle ilgili bir sembol veya bir bayrak bulurlarsa aramayı bir soruşturma haline dönüştürürler . bu can sıkıcı soruşturmaların bir örneğinden bahsedelim . 40 gün önce bir Türkmen genci öğrenci birliğinde çalıştığı için önce tutuklandı ve eşyasına alıkoyuldu sonrada bir hafta boyunca kendisine baskı ve soruşturma yapılarak kendisinden zorla itiraflar alınmaya çalışıldı, Türk İstihbaratında çalışıyor bahanesiyle .

Uygarlığa yönelen hangi alemde sınır kapıları istihbari daireler haline çevrilmiş ? Bu durum ne zamana kadar devam edecek ? Merkezi Hükümet tarafından yeni bir adım atma zamanı gelmiştir , bu adımda Türkiye'yle Telafer arasında yapılacak bir kapıdır , bu kapı Kürt Partilerinin istihbaratından uzak olacaktır.

Irak Türkmen Cephesi
Enformasyon Dairesi
16. 06. 2008

What Now, Europe?

By Hans-Gert Pöttering

In the run-up to this week's European Union summit in Brussels, the president of the European Parliament is ratcheting up pressure on the Irish government to present a new plan of attack after its voters rejected a major EU reform treaty. In an editorial for SPIEGEL ONLINE, Hans-Gert Pöttering argues that the ratification process must continue.

European Parliament President Hans-Gert Pöttering of Germany: "It remains our goal to see the Lisbon Treaty enter into force ..."On June 12, 2008 the citizens of Ireland voted "no" to the Lisbon Treaty. A detailed analysis will be needed of how this result came about and what caused the Irish, who have benefited from the European Union more than almost any other country, to vote this way.

At first glance it seems that the "no" vote resulted for contradictory reasons: Some business people favored a "no" because they felt their economic freedoms were under threat; others, such as some trade unionists, feared that the treaty didn't pay enough attention to the social system. Yet others even believed that abortion would be made easier by the treaty or that the Irish tax system would be put in question.

As French General Charles de Gaulle once said, in a referendum answers are given to questions that were not asked. I would not go as far as that, but there is a kernel of truth in that statement. What really motivated the Irish people, why they did not believe the European Union was going into the future on the right path with this treaty, remains to be analyzed in detail.
What is certain is that the outcome of this vote confronts the EU with one of the most difficult challenges in its history -- albeit not the first one. The Lisbon Reform Treaty is a huge step forward and we should not give it up. Compared to the existing Treaty of Nice, the reform treaty offers many advantages that one cannot deny: Lisbon grants the EU more democracy, greater ability to act and greater transparency. It strengthens the European Parliament considerably, gives national parliaments more responsibility in determining the course of European policy. Lisbon allows citizens of the European Union a power of initiative in relation to the European Institutions what will make democracy on the EU level more vital. More Europe will not mean less space for decision-making on the local level. On the contrary: The Treaty of Lisbon guarantees local self-government.

The Lisbon Treaty is the answer to justified criticisms that citizens have made of the European Union's shortcomings. This treaty brings the European Union closer to its citizens. We must make it perfectly clear that the adoption of the reform treaty is an absolute necessity to enable the European Union to defend its values and interests in the 21st century. Without the reforms made possible by the Lisbon Treaty, the accession of further countries to the European Union is hardly conceivable. We call upon the EU summit on Thursday and Friday in Brussels to take all appropriate steps to make the reform treaty a reality.

So what comes next? First, the ratification process must continue without reservation, since 18 countries have already approved the treaty. Ratification by other countries of the European Union is just as valid and must be respected just as much as the vote in Ireland.
We expect that at the EU summit in Brussels on June 19-20, the Irish government will give an initial assessment of the outcome of the vote in Ireland and put forward proposals as to how we can jointly progress beyond this difficult phase in European politics. The Irish government must have the first say in this matter. Not just because this is the custom but out of respect for the Irish vote. Therefore any speculation or conjecture as to possible solutions ahead of the summit would be inappropriate.

The European Parliament will devote all its energies and display maximum commitment to overcoming these challenges. We expect the same of the European Commission and of the governments of all European Union member states. We equally expect the European Parliament to be fully involved in the process. It remains our goal to see the Lisbon Treaty enter into force before the June 2009 elections to the European Parliament.

Hans-Gert Pöttering, a German member of the center-right Christian Democrats (known as the European Peoples Party in Brussels and Strasbourg), is president of the European Parliament.

mardi 17 juin 2008

Irak – Türkiye sınırı iki Kürt partisinin istihbarat dairesimi oldu acaba ?

Irak dışına yolculuk yapan Türkmen'ler tüm sınır kapılarını denemek istiyorlar , ( İbrahim Halil ) sınır kapısı dışında , çünkü bu kapı özellikle Türkmen gençleri için bir soruşturma kapısına dönüştü . Kürt idaresi tarafından sorulan can sıkıcı sorulardan bazıda , Türkiye'ye yolculuk nedenleri , Türkiye'de kimler tarafından karşılanacakları ve vize alma yolları .

Bu kışkırtmalar küçümseltmek haline vardı , valizler , elbiseler ahlaksız bir şekilde aranıyor , cep telefonlarındaki adlar, fotoğraflar , şarkılar inceleniyor, eğer Irak Türkmen Cephesiyle ilgili bir sembol veya bir bayrak bulurlarsa aramayı bir soruşturma haline dönüştürürler . bu can sıkıcı soruşturmaların bir örneğinden bahsedelim . 40 gün önce bir Türkmen genci öğrenci birliğinde çalıştığı için önce tutuklandı ve eşyasına alıkoyuldu sonrada bir hafta boyunca kendisine baskı ve soruşturma yapılarak kendisinden zorla itiraflar alınmaya çalışıldı , Türk İstihbaratında çalışıyor bahanesiyle .

Uygarlığa yönelen hangi alemde sınır kapıları istihbari daireler haline çevrilmiş ? Bu durum ne zamana kadar devam edecek ? Merkezi Hükümet tarafından yeni bir adım atma zamanı gelmiştir , bu adımda Türkiye'yle Telafer arasında yapılacak bir kapıdır , bu kapı Kürt Partilerinin istihbaratından uzak olacaktır .

Irak Türkmen Cephesi
Enformasyon Dairesi
16. 06. 2008

النموذج الديمقراطي في شمال العراق

"Symbol of Democracy"

ارتأت دائرة الاعلام في الجبهة التركمانية العراقية ترجمة التقرير التالي عن نموذج لأسباب عدة، اهمها انه يلقي ضوءا بقلم كردي على ادعاءات الديمقراطية في الشمال و يضع القارئ امام تساؤل و هو يقرأ ان طلبا قدم لسلطات الشمال لاجازة حزب باسم الحزب اليهودي. و سيرى القارئ انه من بين الأحزاب التي تمت اجازتها‘ عدد من الأحزاب التركمانية الكارتونية و التي تمول من قبل حكام الشمال لتنفذ ما يطالب منها.التقرير الذي تمت ترجمته كان بعنوان:(النموذج الديمقراطي لإقليم كردستان يمنع 22 حزب جديد !)و نشرته مواقع عدة و منهKurdistanaspect.comبقلم د .كمال ميراو دلي

Please click on the link below to read the article

I have a problem with punctuation and numbers when posting articles in Arabic on my blog, therefore it is best if you read it in Biz Türkmeniz , they have just published it:


حزب تركمان إيلي يجدد تأييده لتقسيم مدينة كركوك إلى أربع مناطق انتخابية

حزب تركمان إيلي يجدد تأييده لتقسيم مدينة كركوك إلى أربع مناطق انتخابية


جدد حزب تركمان إيلي تأييده لمقترح تقسيم مدينة كركوك إلى أربع مناطق انتخابية، منتقدا في الوقت نفسه مقترحات ستيفان دي مستورا ممثل الأمين العام للأمم المتحدة في العراق حول المناطق المتنازع عليها
وانتقد علي مهدي نائب رئيس حزب تركمان إيلي عضو مجلس محافظة كركوك عن القائمة التركمانية رفض الكتلة التركمانية في برلمان إقليم كردستان لمقترح تقسيم كركوك إلى أربع مناطق انتخابية
وأشار علي مهدي في تصريح لـ"راديو سوا" إلى أن الحل الأمثل لقضية كركوك هو إعطاؤها نظاما انتخابيا خاصا: "نحن لا نعترف بالجهات التركمانية الموجودة في برلمان كردستان، إضافة إلى أن آراء تلك الجهات تعبر عن آراء الأحزاب الكردية. إن برلمان كردستان ليس له الحق بالتدخل في قضية كركوك التي هي قضية كل العراقيين وتوزيع كركوك ليس جغرافيا وإنما توزيع الصناديق للقوميات الموجودة في كركوك بنسب 32% لكل من العرب والأكراد والتركمان و 4 % للكلداشوريين أو توزيع استمارة ذات لون محدد لكل قومية، ونحن نرى الحل الأمثل لكركوك في ذلك المقترح الذي وقع عليه أكثر من 110 نائب عراقي"
وفي سياق حديثه عن المقترحات التي تقدم بها ستيفان ديمستورا ممثل الأمين العام للأمم المتحدة في العراق حول المناطق المتنازع عليها اوضح مهدي قائلا
"بما أن المادة 140 من الدستور قد انتهت بإنتهاء السقف الزمني المحدد لتنفيذها نهاية عام 2007 فعلى الأمم المتحدة أن لا تقدم مقترحات في مادة منتهية المناطق المتنازع عليها من صلاحية رئاسة الوزراء والحكومة العراقية في إيجاد حل لتلك المناطق ويبقى دور الأمم المتحدة فقط كحكم في تلك الحلول وليس عليها أن تقترح حلولا". وفي انتظار حل لقضيتها التي أثارت وما تزال جدلا واسعا لدى الساسة والبرلمانيين العراقيين تبقى كركوك بين مطرقة المطالبات الكردية بضمها لإقليمهم وسندان العرب والتركمان الرافضين لذلك .Radio Sawa

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lundi 16 juin 2008

هل اصبحت الحدود العراقية التركية دائرة لمخابرات الحزبين الكرديين

IRAK TÜRKMEN CEPHESİ الجبهة التركمانية العراقية
(GENEL MERKEZ) (المقر العام)

الدائرة الإعلامية ENFORMASYON DAİRESİ
العدد: 42SAYI: 42
التاريخ:16\6\2008 TARİH: 16.06.2008

هل اصبحت الحدود العراقية التركية
دائرة لمخابرات الحزبين الكرديين

أصبح التركمان يفضلون السفر الى خارج العراق من أي منفذ حدودي الا منفذ ( ابراهيم الخليل ) الذي تحول الى دائرة تحقيقات على التركمان خاصة الشباب منهم الذين يتعرضون الى مضايقات جمة وتوجيه الاسئلة الاستفزازية من قبل الادارة الكردية للمتنفذ الحدودي التي لاتنفك تسأل جميع الشباب التركمان عن سبب توجههم الى تركيا وكيفية حصول على تأشيرة السفر (الفيزا )و الاستفسار عن اسماء الذين سيقابلهم في تركيا
لقد وصل الاستفزاز الى درجة كبيرة من خلال تفتيش الحقائب والملابس بصورة غير اخلاقية مع توجيه الكلمات القاسية للشباب واجبارهم على فتح جهاز الهاتف النقال ( الموبايل ) للاطلاع على الاسماء ( في العراق وتركيا ) وفحص الصور والاغاني والقيام بالتحقيق مع من في هاتفه صورة لعلم تركماني وشعار الجبهة
وتعرض الكثير من تركمان للمضايقات ونشير كمثال وليس للحصر قيامهم قبل 40 يوما بالقاء القبض على شاب تركماني يعمل في اتحاد الطلبة وحجزه والتحقيق معه لمدة اسبوع والظغط عليه لانتزاع اعترافات كاذبة بالقوة حول منصبه في الجبهة وان كان يعمل لصالح المخابرات التركية في أي عالم متحضر تتحول نقطة الحدود الى دائرة مخابرات ؟
والى متى يبقى الحال على هذا الوضع ؟
لقد ان الاوان لتقوم الحكومة المركزية بفتح معبر حدودي جديد مع تركيا من اطراف تلعفر بعيدا عن أعين واصابع مخابرات الاحزاب الكردية

الجبهة التركمانية العرقية
الدائرة الاعلامية

العنوان: كركوك- طريق بغداد- قرب بناية المحافظة Adres:Kerkük. Bağdat yolu. Valilik binası yanında
Tel: 00946050. 221462 E.mail:ITC_media@yahoo.com

dimanche 15 juin 2008

Iraqi Turkmen Conference at the EU Parliament in Brussels: "Kerkuk Problem and Article 140: Defining Alternatives"

“Kerkuk Problem and Article 140: Defining Alternatives"
The views of Kerkuk’s Turkmen and Arabs

Organizers: Organized by the Iraqi Turkmen Human Rights Research Foundation (SOITM) in partnership with Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization (UNPO) with the assistance of the office of Ms. Ana Maria Gomes, Member of the European Parliament

Location: European Parliament, Brussels, ASP 5G2
Date: 23 June 2008, 01:00pm – 04:30pm

Topics: Kerkuk is a city rich in both oil and history. Home to Turkmens, Kurds, Arabs, Chaldeo-Assyrians, and other indigenous communities, Kurdish claim of the city is at present subject to both conflict and controversy. The Turkmen and Arab leaders, citing their historic presence in the city, have expressed opposition in particular to its proposed inclusion in the nearby Kurdish region.

Selecting from article 58 of the Transitional Administrative Law (TAL) for Iraq, article 140 of the Iraqi constitution was extracted to mandate a resolution of this dispute through a process of normalization and a census, followed by a referendum to be held no later than 31 December 2007. This mechanism had however proved largely ineffectual and was not realized. The referendum appears as a consequence potentially set to deliver yet further instability and volatility.
The shortcomings of the process so far stem in part from a failure to define adequately a number of the key provisions outlined in article 140; the link between the components of normalization, census, and referendum; eligibility to vote; the threshold needed for a decision; and the boundaries of voting districts. Most crucially however, there has been little discussion of what options are to be presented to voters in an eventual referendum. This, in particular, has resulted in discussions reducing to a simple dispute between those who would see Kerkuk included in the Kurdish region and those who oppose this.
There has consequently been little room for constructive compromise. Acknowledging that the prevailing status-quo serves none of its citizens, Iraqi Turkmen participants opposed to the city’s inclusion in the Kurdistan region will be invited to present a proposal by which Kerkuk might be administered as a distinct Governorate or federal region within Iraq.
This is already the solution preferred for Baghdad, as well as many other disputed cities around the world.Iraqi Turkmens have remained marginalized during the process of reconstructing the Iraqi state after 2003, arguing that relatively little has been achieved with respect to correcting the past injustices they have suffered.
The recent waves of disproportionate Kurdish immigration into Kerkuk raises suspicions of the role this might play in the imminent referendum on the city’s future status. The conference would aim therefore to begin a process of rephrasing the discussion of Kerkuk’s future status in more constructive terms, principally by offering an alternative picture of its final status.
This conference aims to convene representatives of Iraq’s new institutions with European policy makers with an interest and opportunity to influence the reconstruction of the Iraqi state. The concerns of the Kerkuk’s Turkmens and Arabs will be presented by some of their most prominent figures in an effort to ensure that the next crucial steps in the reconstruction process proceed in a manner consistent with the principles of democracy, human rights, and the genuine inclusion of all affected not-ruling communities (minorities) in the region. These are principles without which a stable Iraq will inevitably remain illusive.

Invited contributors:
Ana Maria Gomez, MEP, Parliament’s Rapporteur on Iraq
Ali M. Sadeq, member of Kerkuk City Council
Marino Busdachin, UNPO General Secretary
Mohammed Kh. Nasef, Member of Kerkuk City Council, member of article 140 committee Mohammed Mahdi Ameen, Member of the Iraqi Parliament
Muzaffer Arslan, Advisor on Turkmen Affairs to the President of Iraq H.E. Jalal Talabani
Rakan S. Ali, member of Kerkuk City Council
Sheth Jerjis, SOITM Chairman
Tahsin Mohammed Ali Wali, Member of Kerkuk City Council, member of article 140 committee
Yako Michael Jajjo, Foundation Assyria

Kürtler Brüksel konferansından rahatsız

Dilşat Terzi-Erbil İçinde bulunduğumuz ayın 23'ünde Belçika'nın başkenti Brüksel'de yapılması planlanan Kerkük konferansı Kürtleri rahatsız etti. Bu konuda Erbil'de Kürtçe yayınlanan ve Barzani taraftarı Hewler Gazetesi'ne konuşan Kerkük il meclisi Kürt üyelerinden Awat Ahmed, konferanstaki geniş katılımın kendilerini rahatsız ettiğini ifade etti.

Ahmed " Kürtler Kerkük'te iktidarı ellerinde bulundurdukları için konferansa çağırılmadı"diye konuştu. Gazetenin verdiği bilgiye göre Temsil Edilmeyen Toplumlar Organizasyonu tarafından düzenlenen konferansa Irak'tan 70 kişi ve 45 yabancı katılacak. Kerkük il meclisinin Kürt başkanı Rizgar Ali ise gazeteye verdiği demeçte, Kerkük'ün içişlerine müdahale etmemek şartıyla tüm grupların konferans düzenlemekte serbest olduğunu söyledi.

Ali, Temsil Edilmeyen Toplumlar Organizasyonu'nu eleştirerek organizasyonun Kürtleri konferansa davet etmemesinin hayret verici olduğunu iddi ederek şöyle konuştu : " Organizasyonun devletlere sahip olmalarına rağmen Türkmen ve Arapları çağırırken, devleti olmayan Kürtleri çağırmaması hayret vericidir".

Kerkük il meclisinin Türkmen üyesi Ali Mehdi, aynı Kürt gazetesine verdiği mülakatta konferansa Irak Başbakanı Nuri Maliki'nin yanı sıra Kerkük İl meclisinden 2 Türkmen üyenin katılımıyla başlayacağını iddia etti. Ali Mehdi, konferansın Kerkük'te iktidar paylaşımının tüm gruplar arasında adil biçimde sağlanmasını hedeflediğini belirtti.

KERKUK: The Iraqi Turkmens' Capital City and Main Cultural Centre

An "expert's" bias and misinformation

In an article published in Zaman under the title: “ICG expert: “Kirkuk deal could serve both Turks, Kurds” ICG expert Joost R. Hiltermann makes some biased declarations and is misinforming his readers.

Please click on the link below:



For the Arabic translation please see previous post.

كركوك : عاصمة التركمان العراقيينِ و مركزهم الثقافيِ الرئيسيِ

كركوك : عاصمة التركمان العراقيينِ و مركزهم الثقافيِ الرئيسيِ

نشرت جريدة الزمان في. 26 مايو/مايس 2008، لقاء مع الخبير في مجموعة الأزمة الدولية ( آي سي جي) و رئيس دائرة الشرق الأوسط فيه جوست ر. هلترمان و الذي صرح ببيانات و معلومات مضللة، تحت عنوان " صفقة كركوك يمكن ان تخدم كلا الأتراك و الأكراد
و قامت السيدة ميري فينزجيرالد، نائب ممثل الجبهة التركمانية العراقية في اوروبا بالرد على البيانات المضللة لوضع القارئ امام الصورة التي يحاول الأكراد تمريرها. و بالتعاون بين دائرة الاعلام في رئاسة الجبهة و السيدة فيتزجيرالد، تمت ترجمة الرد و المقابلة، و لابد لنا من الاشارة ان المجموعة نفسها التي حاولت ايجاد حل لكركوك خاصة بعد ان وصف تقرير بيكر- هاملتون قضية كركوك بأنها برميل البارود. و كانت المجموعة قد اصدرت تقاير شبه حيادية قبل هذه المقابلة؟

لقد استخدم هلترمان كلمة " تَستعيدُ " عندما يَتكلّمُ عن الأكراد العراقيينِ الذين يُريدونَ " إسْتِعْاَدة " كركوك، محاولا اظهار ان كركوك كانت (كردية) في الماضي و ستعود الى الأكراد. و الحقيقة التي يعرفها هلترمان قبل غيره ان كركوك لم تكن يوما كردية و نفترض أنه قارئ جيد و بالتالي فأنه قرأ كتب حنا بطاطو و لونكرينغ التي تؤكد تركمانية كركوك بل و تركمانية اربيل و كفري و طوز خورماتو و جميع البلدات و المدن التي يسكنها التركمان منذ قرون من تلعفر الى مندلي
"و يعلن هلترمان " الأحزاب الكردية واغلب القوميات الأخرى في كركوك لم يلجئوا إلى العنف

هذا ادعاء باطل؟ يَعْرفُ القاصي و الداني بأنّ الأطرافَ الكرديةَ (بميليشياتهم المُسلَّحةِ، البيشميركة) إستعملتْ القوةً وأسائت معاملة التركمان والعرب في كركوك عندما إخترقوا المدينةِ في أبريل/نيسانِ 2003 لفَرْض هيمنتِهم ضدّ إرادة السكان التركمان و العرب و الآشوريين ؟ و يصدق عندما يُؤكّدُ بأنّ التركمان، الذين ليست لديهم ميليشيات مسلحة، لم يلجؤا الى العنف ابدا

السّيد هلترمان ، كخبير، يَجِبُ أَنْ يَعْرف ما يلي

في العاشرِ من أبريل/نيسانِ 2003، دخل الالاف من عناصر الميليشيات الكردية التابعة لحزب الاتحاد الكردي كركوك بمباركة السلطاتِ الأمريكيةِ " تحدياً لإتفاقية مسبّقة مع الولايات المتحدة تنص على بقاء البيشميركةَ خارج المدينةِ" . و قاموا بغزو دائرة التسجيل العقاري ، بنايات البلديةِ ، المكاتب الحكومية ، البنايات العسكرية، الفنادق الكبيرة والثكنات العسكرية التأريخية (التي بنيت في العصرِ العُثمانيِ والمستعملِة كمتحف) ،و لقد قاموا بحرقها بعد أن سَرقوا كُلّ سجلات الأراضَي مِنْ دائرة التسجيل العقاري. ونهبتْ ميليشيات الاحزاب الكردية الدكاكينَ والبيوتَ التي تَعُودُ إلى التركمان. و قد نقلت الفضائيات الغربية و الأمريكية و العربية و على مدى ثلاثة ايام ابتداء من العاشر من نيسان 2003 و على الهواء مباشرة عمليات نهب و حرق كركوك و كان غالبية مرتكبي هذه الأعمال المبرمجة يرتدون الملابس الشعبية الكردية و الذين
حطّموا وأحرقوا مكتبةَ كركوك المركزية التي كانت تحتوي على الكُتُبَ التأريخيةَ الثمينةَ وقاموا بجلب عائلة كردية مِنْ تركيا لإِحْتِلال المكتبةِ. سَرقَ الأكراد آلافَ من كُلّ أنواع العرباتِ الحكوميةِ، السيارات الممتازة والحافلات والشفلات. عدد كبير مِنْ السياراتِ الخاصّةِ صودرَ وسُرِقَ أمام مالكيهم التركمانِ والعرب ، آلاف عرباتِ النقل الثقيلةِ وشاحناتِ وسياراتِ إسعاف وسياراتِ الحكومة العراقية أُخِذتْ مِن قِبل الأكراد، لاحقاً فكّكوها وباعوها كقطع غيار.( على هتلرمان العودة الى جريدة خابات في الاسبوع الثاني من نيسان 2003 و فيها مقال يطالب كاتبها سرقة الآليات الثقيلة من دوائر الري و الطرق و الجسور لحاجة الاقليم اليها! كذلك عليه ان يراجع ارشيف قناة العربية ليستمع بنفسه الى مسؤول كردي كبير و هو يقول في برنامج بالعربي "نعم حرقنا الدوائر التي كانت تضم وثائق التعريب " لكن هذا المسؤول لم يشرح ان كانت المؤسسات التالية ايضا وثائق تعريب لحرقها: المحلج و مخازن القطن التي نهبت و احرقت، ازالة و تفكيك محولاتَ الكهرباء ذات الضغط العالي ، والأبراج المعدنية العاليه لبَيْعها كخردة، و نهب السوق المركزي الحكوميَ في كركوك و أضرام النارفيه لاحقاً. و نهب موجودات المدارس و حرقهاو نهب المستشفيات و مخازن الأدوية و الغذائية الستراتيجية. فضلا على كل ما سبق، أثارَ الأكراد القوميات التركمانية و العربية و الكلدو آشورية في كركوكَ برفع الأعلامِ الكرديةِ على كُلّ البنايات الحكومية. رَفعوا العَلَمَ الكرديَ حتى على الملكياتِ التركمانيةِ الخاصّةِ. غيّروا أسماءَ البناياتِ الحكوميةِ مِنْ العربيِ إلى الكرديِ وقاموا بتعيين محافظ كردي غير منتخب في كركوك و بصورة غير شرعية . غيّروا أسماءَ أغلب الشوارع والمستشفيات في كركوك و استبدلوها بأسماءِ كرديةِ و غيروا اسماء المناطق السكنية و الجوامع من التركمانية الى الكردية

هدّدَ الأكراد عوائلَ عربيةَ كَانتْ تَعِيشُ في كركوك لأكثر من عقد وأجبرتْهم على تَرْك المدينةِ

أنظر في كتابَ السّيدِ موفق سلمان كركوكلي: “ تركمان العراق ”
آي إس بي إن -978 -0-9555489-0-1
الذي أحتوى على الوقائع التي إرتكبتْ مِن قِبل الأكراد في كركوك ومُدن أخرى في شمال العراق مدرجة بالتفصيل

ويحتوي على العديد مِنْ الصورِ

و مهما يكن ، فأن قراءة افكار هتلرمان ضرورية و مفيدة

المقالة نَشرتْ في الزمان تحت عنوان

خبير آي سي جي: صفقة كركوك يُمْكِنُ أَنْ تَخْدمَ كلا الأتراك والأكراد

الإثنين. 26 مايو/مايس 2008

قال جوست . ر . هلترمان
نائب مدير برنامج الشرق الأوسطَ وشمال أفريقيا في مجموعةِ الأزمةِ الدوليةِ (آي سي جي) , و هي هيئة غير حكومية مكرّسة لمنع

الإدارةَ الكرديةَ العراقيةَ ستقدم مساعدة أكثر في معركةِ تركيا ضدّ
حزب العمال الكردستاني الارهابي في حالة واحدة فقط وهي اذا استطاعوا الحصول على تنازلات أكثر لهم في كركوك؛ على أية حال، هنالك "لعبة المجموع الصفريِ" الذي يُمْكِنُ أَنْ يُتحوّلَ إلى حالة فوزِ- فوزِ

الأكراد العراقيون يُريدونَ إسْتِعْاَدة كركوك، وهم يَعْرفونَ بأن العقبةَ الرئيسيةَ إلى ذلك الطموحِ هي تركيا. لماذا إذن يُساعدونَ تركيا بتَقديمهم (على طبق كبير؟ سأل هلترمان هذا السؤال في مقابلةً (كلامِ الإثنينِ PKK

الإدارةَ الكرديةَ العراقيةَ تُريدُ الحُصُول على كركوك بسبب إحتياطياتها النفطية وأهميتِها التأريخيةِ، و يُلاحظُ كذلك بأنها تريد كذلك تَطوير مصادرِ نفطِها الخاصةِ هناك. على أية حال، الخلافات بين الأكراد والحكومةِ المركزيةِ على الحقوقِ الكرديةِ في تَطوير حقولِ نفطهم الخاصةِ هي أيضا تَمْنعُ الطموحاتَ الكرديةَ

"في صفقة شاملة محتملة، (حكومة كردستان الإقليمية) في العراق تَكْسبُ الحقوقَ لتَطوير حقولِ نفطها الخاصةِ في المقابل سوف لن يَدْمجوا كركوك في منطقةِ.و أضاف
وهي قَدْ تُصبح منطقة مستقلة حسب اتفاقية لتقاسم السلطة
وكجزء مِنْ تلك الصفقةِ، قالَ

الإدارة الكردية العراقية ستعيق حريةَ حزب العمال الكردستاني للمُنَاوَرَة
إذا وافقت تركيا بالمقابل على عفوعن مسؤولي هذا الحزب من المستوى الادنى و الاوسط و سمحت للاجئي معسكر مخمور بالعودة بسلامة إلى تركيا، حكومة الاقليم بالمقابلِ سَتَمتصُّ المستويات الكبيرةَ في هذا الحزب وسَيَنْزع سلاحهم بالطبع، وسوف لن يكون لهم أي نشاط سياسي بعد ذلك

وطبقاً لما قاله هلترمان ، هذا يُمْكِنُ أَنْ يَخْدمَ كُلّ شخصَ لأن تركيا يُمْكِنُ أَنْ تُساعدَ منطقةَ شمالِ العراق ذات المساحة المغلقة في تطويرمصادرَ نفطِها و تصديره الى الخارج، تركيا لا يَجِبُ أنْ تَخَافَ من إستقلالَ كرديَ، والأكراد لا يَجِبُ أنْ يَخَافوا قوّةَ الحكومةِ العراقيةِ المركزيةِ لأنهم سَيكونُ عِنْدَهُمْ ضماناتُ دوليةُ مزودة حسب الصفقة المذكورة

لبرنامج (كلامِ الإثنينِ) َتوسّعُ هلترمان أكثر على مصيرِ المدينةِ المُتَنازَع عليهاِ و العراق وجُهود تَوَسُّط تركيا في المنطقةِ

أغلب تقاريرِ مجموعةِ الأزمةِ الدوليةِ مِنْ الشرق الأوسطِ تَتعلّقُ بالتَطَوّراتِ في العراق. أين ترأس العراق في زمن ما بعد صدام؟

الحالة في العراق بعد 2003 كَانتْ جدّيةَ. هناك فشل مُتزايد من ناحية الولايات المتّحدةِ للحفاظ على وحدة البلاد
لقد أزالَت الجهازَ الرسميَ، الشرطة، الجيش والطبقة الادارية، وهم لَمْ يُستَبدلوا بأيّ شئِ ، هناك الكثير مِن اللاعبين المؤثرين من خارج الحكومةِ، مثل الفدائيين، مجموعات متمرّدة و ميلسشيات ، هناك طائفية مُتزايدة ونزاع فعلي. لذا كان هناك تهديد حقيقي قبل سنتين بأنَّ البلاد ستتفكّكُ. ثمّ ان إدارة جورج دبليو بوش التزمت في ما تسمّى ب"إندفاعِ" القوات العسكريةِ -- في بغداد بشكل خاص. كانت هذه محاولة أخيرة مستميتة لتَصحيح الحالةِ. لقد نجحت بعض الشّيء في تَثبيت الحالةِ، خصوصاً في بغداد

هَلْ هذه المكاسبِ مستمرةِ؟

هذا يَعتمدُ كثيراً على ما ستفعله الإدارةِ الجديدةِ في البيت الأبيضِ. إنّ إدارة بوشَ بطّة عرجاء. سَيَستغرقُ وقتَ للرئيسِ الجديدِ لتشكيل فريق متناسق وبعد ذلك صياغة إستراتيجية جديدة.و لكن شيئأّ إيجابياّ واحداّ نتج من ذلك و هو يعني، بأنَّ كُلّ الدول المجاورةِ وأميريكا أيضاً وافقوا جميعا على وجوب عدم تتفكّكَ العراق لان عملا كهذا سيكون ضارأّ بكُلّ مصالح الدول المجاورةِ وللمنطقةِ. هذا أحد الأسباب في عدم خَروج الوضع في العراق عن السيطرة. لذا سنرى ما سينجزه الجيشَ الأمريكيَ ، آخذين بنظر الاعتبار بأنّ هناك هجوما في الموصل. إنّ الجيشَ يُحاولُ أيضاً أَنْ يُعالجَ مشكلةَ الميلشيات الشيعيةِ. نحن يَجِبُ أَنْ نَنتظرَ حتى مَجيءُ رئيسُ جديد إلى البيت الأبيضِ مَع إستراتيجية جديدة. نتمنّى ان الرئيسَ الجديدَ سَيَكُونُ شخص ما يضمّنُ إرتباطَ مَع إيران وسوريا لأن بدونهم، العراق لا يُمْكن أنْ يُثَبّتَ

هَلْ شمال العراق ما زالَ المنطقةَ الأكثر أماناً؟

إلى حد بعيد، نعم. كَانتْ نسبياً مسقرة وأمينة للناسِ مُنذُ 2003 وحتى قبل ذلك و منذ 1991. هذه لا يَعْني القنابلَ لا تَنفجرُ -- هم يَعملونَ، ولكن ليس كل شيء مقارنة ببقية العراق

ما الحالة في كركوك؟

كركوك كَانتْ متوترةَ جداً علما بانها لم ترى نوعَ العنف الذي عاشته بغداد
الحالة هناك كانت محتواة، لَرُبَّمَا عكس التوقّعاتِ، بسبب الحِصَصِ -- الكثير مِنْ النفطِ في الأرضِ , مزيج القوميات وبالطبع دفع الاحزاب الكرديةِ لدَمْج كركوك في منطقةِ الشمال. الاحزاب الكردية واغلب القوميات الأخرى في كركوك لم تلجأ إلى العنف

العنف [في كركوك] جاءَ في الغالب مِنْ تنظيم القاعدةِ في العراق وبَعْض المجموعاتِ المتمرّدةِ. نحن نَنتظرُ الأُمم المتّحدةَ الآن لطرح مبادرة جديدة لإسْتِبْدال العمليةِ الذي كَانَ جاريةَ تحت الدستورِ، ، عملية المادة 140 التي لَمْ تُنتجْ إستفتاء عام بموعد نهائي في ديسمبر/كانون الأولِ 2007

الإستفتاء العام الآن أُخّرَ حتى 30يونيو/حزيرانِ. هَلْ تَتوقّعُ بان يتم في الموعد المحدد؟

هو من غير المحتمل جداً والزعماءُ الأكرادُ يَعْرفونَ جيداً جداً بأنّه لَنْ يَحْدثَ بحلول 30 يونيو/حزيران. لِهذا مبادرة الأُمم المتّحدةَ مهمةُ جداً لأنهم يَجِبُ أَنْ يَجيئوا بعملية مقبولة من جميع الأطرافِ، بضمن ذلك الأكراد، والذي سَيُؤدّي إلى التقدّمِ في حَلّ قضيةِ المناطق المتنازع عليها

سلسلة المتطلباتِ الدستوريةِ و التي تتضمن اجراء إحصاء سكاني قَبْلَ التصويت، لَمْ تُنجَزْ. هَلْ هناك سبب لتكون متفائل بان هذه المتطلبات ستنجز؟؟ وبعد كل ذلك ، الا يطالب الاكراد بنفس الحقوق في كركوك ؟

نعم، الأكراد يَدّعونَ كركوك وهم تَمنّوا ضم كركوك خلال إستفتاء عام و حسب المادة 140 مِنْ الدستورِ
الأكراد يهمهم مبدئين
الاول ، وضع كركوك يستند الى إرادة أهل كركوك، والثاني الإطار الدستوري الذي يُلتَزمُ به. ولكن المادة 140 من الدستور هي بالاحرى مبهمة بالنسبة لما سيحدث
هو فقط يَقُولُ يَجِبُ أَنْ يَكُونَ هناك تطبيع ، والذي هو عبارة عن عودة إلى الحالةِ قَبْلَ انطلاق حملة التعريبَ في 1968 -- عندما وَصلَ حزب البعث إلى السلطة – اجراء إحصاء سكاني و إستفتاء عام ، ولا يوجد شيء في الدستورِ يَقُولُ بأنّك لا تَستطيعُ التَفَاوُض على كركوك قبل إستفتاء عام و الذي في حينه سيصدق القرار المتخذ بشكل الزامي من قبل الأطرافِ المُخْتَلِفةِ في كركوك. لذا فان ما تحاول ان تفعله الأُمم المتّحدة الآن هو البحث عن ُ نقاطَ يمكن لكُلّ شخصِ أَنْ يُوافقَ عليها لكي يُمْكِنُ أَنْ يكون هناك قاعدة للمفاوضات ، سوف لن تلبي الاهدافَ القصوى لكُلّ شخصِ -- وذلك لَيسَ ممكن لأنهم يَشتبكونَ -- لَكنَّه قَدْ يَلبّي المتطلباتَ النيا لكُلّ شخص

اذن ، يَعتقدُ الأكراد بان كركوك لهم ولكن لا يوجد دعم أميريكي كبير خلفهم اليوم مقارنة ب 2003 ؟

الأكراد طُرِدوا مِنْ كركوك بِالقوة في العقود الماضية. عِنْدَهُمْ الفرصةُ الآن لإسْتِعْاَدتها لأن عِنْدَهُمْ قوَّةُ في بغداد و طالما يَرونَ بأنّهم عِنْدَهُمْ الفرصةُ هم سيضغطون
لكن الفرصة السانحةَ -- فَتحَت أولاً في 1991 وفَتحَت أكثر و بصورة أوسع في 2003 -- بَدأَ الغَلْق لأن الأمريكان الذين دَعموا الأكراد بَدأوا باعادة ترتيب علاقات القوة في العراق لأنهم أدركوا بأنّ الامور كَانتْ تَخْرجُ عن السيطرة والطريقُ الوحيدُ إلى إعادة تثبيت الحالةَ أثناء الإندفاعِ كَانَ أَنْ تمْدَّ اليدّ إلى العرب السنّةِ الذين بَدأوا حينها بتشكيل مجالسِ الصحوة [ و هي مجموعات مسلحة من الاحياء السكنية أبعدتْ تنظيم القاعدة من العديد مِنْ مناطقِ بغداد و أماكن أخرى]
هذا عَنى الأكراد و الاحزاب الاسلامية الشيعية التي خطت خطوة الى الوراء و وافقت على تسويات معينة
هذه هي النقطة التي وصلنا اليها
سَيَتطلّبُ بَعْض الوقتِ للأحزاب الكرديةِ والشعبِ الكرديِ للوصول الى حقيقة بانهم سوف لن يكونوا قادرين للوصول الى غاياتهم القصوىفي عراق اليوم و اذا تحقق هذا مرةّ سوف نتوصل الى اجماع

بينما يَزِيدُ ألاكراد تأثيرِهم في العراق، ألا يَكُونوا مهتمّون بالأكثرِ؟

جلال الطالباني، الذي كَانَ رئيسَ الحزبِ و المقاتل الكرديِ هو الآن رئيسُ حمهورية العراق. ليس هناك شَكّ بان الأكراد وسّعوا تأثيرَهم في العراق. لكن الأكراد لَيْسَ لهُمْ إهتمامُ في ادارة العراق. لديهم إهتمامُ بالإستقلالِ الكرديِ
انهم يوجهون عملهم نحو:
يُحاولونَ تَوسيع الأرضِ التي تحت سيطرتِهم وسلطاتِهم ضمن تلك الأرضِ. بالطبع، مع الأرضِ تَجيءُ المصادرَ أيضاً، خصوصاً النفط بالاضافة الى الماءَ والغازَ. هذا مهمُ جداً لهم لأنهم ذُبِحوا في الماضي على يد الحكوماتِ المركزيةِ في العراق وهم لا يُريدونَ أَنْ يَحْدث ذلك ثانيةً

كيف يمكن لهذا المنظور الكردي ان يثير اهتمام تركيا ، و أين يكمن أغلب القلق حول الاستقلال الكردي؟
ان الاأكثر أهميةً لتركيا هو سلامة اراضي العراق الاقليميةُ
اذا تفكك العراق و إذا لم تستطع تركيا مَنْع تفككِ العراق، ثمّ للمفارقة تركيا لَرُبَّمَا يَكُون لَهاُ إهتمامَ في شمال عراقي مستقرّ و الذي سيتخدم كحاجز بين تركيا وفوضى العراق
في تلك الحالةِ، سَيَكُونُ إهتمامِ تركيا لتَطوير علاقاتِ جيدةِ مع ادارة شمال العراق -- دبلوماسية وسياسية وإقتصادية. كلتا القيادة التركية والقيادة الكردية لَهُما إعتقاد قوي في العلمانيةِ ؛ و يَعْرفونَ بأنّهم يَحتاجونَ بعضهم البعض
ما الفوائد مِنْ المنظورِ الكرديِ العراقيِ؟

انها منطقة ذات اراضي مغلقة. و ستكون إلى الأبد معتمدة على جيرانِها. تركيا كَانتْ بلادَ العبورِ الرئيسيةِ لسلعِها. هناك إمكانية لعلاقة جيدة والشيء الوحيد ضدّه تعصبُ كلا الطرفين ، تعصب تركي وتعصب كردي، وذلك مؤسفُ. إذا استطعنا انْ نُواصلَ تَشجيع التطويرِ في كردستان العراقية والعلاقات بين تركيا و (كردستان) العراقية، عند ها نستطيع ان نتغلّبَ على هذه العوامل النفسية

؟pkk في شمال العراق هناك أيضا تواجد لحزب العمال الكردستاني . هَلْ تعتقد بان التعصب يولد عنف

تركيا عِنْدَها قضيةُ مَع الأكراد في تركيا، وهذه قضيةُ يجب ان تعنون . و بما انني لست خبيرأ في الشؤون التركية ، فسوف لَنْ أَدْخلَ في هذا الموضوع
PKK هي واجهة تلك . وإلى حدّ أَنَّ PKK لكن
موجودة في (كردستان ) العراقية، و بذلك تصبحُ قضيةً للعراق أيضاً. أصبحت قضيةً للعلاقاتِ التركيةِ مَع العراق وعلاقات تركية مَع حكومة الاقليم الكردي . لكن هذا سهل الانقيادُ. حكومة الاقليم الكردي تدعم حزب العمال الكردي لحد ما، ليس لانها معجبة به لكنها تراه كورقة مساومة
بالنسبه لتركيا تواجد
لاتخاذ الخطوات ضد KRG في شمال العراق مهمُ جداً وهي تحاولُ مُخَاطَبَته بوَضْع الضغطِ السياسيِ على PKK
بالوسائلِ العسكريةِ أيضاً، و مع ذلك فانها ليست مؤثرة جدا PKK

يسرّني جداً أن يَرى بأنّنا نَعْقدُ اجتماع على مستوى عالي الآن بين الحكومةِ التركية وحكومة الاقليم الكردي

بعد العمليةِ العسكريةِ بقيادة الولايات المتحدةِ لإسْقاط صدام حسين، في تقرير كتبته سابقا في 2003 و لقد حذرت من تهديد حدوث عنفِ
واسع النطاقِ مركز في كركوك و ينفجر في شمال العراق بين الأكراد والأتراك

كَيفَ تَعتقدُ بان مثل هذا الكارثةِ يمكن تفاديها ؟

شيء واحد تَفادى نزاعاً مفتوحاً كَانَ هو قرارَ البرلمانِ التركيِ في الاول من مارس/آذار 2003 بعدم منح حقوقَ العبورِ إلى القوات الأمريكيةِ. لأن ذلك كان سيعطي أيضا القوات التركية الفرصةَ لدُخُول شمال العراق الى جانب القوات الأمريكيةِ، وهذه كَانتْ سَتَجْلبُهم إلى المجابهةِ المباشرةِ بالأحزاب الكرديةِ و ميليشياتها
أنا لا أَعْرف كيف كان يمكن ادارة ذلك
كان ذلك سيُؤدّي إلى حالةِ مختلفةِ كليَّاً في كركوك عن ما نراه اليوم
الآن انها مسألة إدارة المستقبلِ بحيث يمكن تفادي النزاع في المدى البعيد
طالما نَرى إشتباك في كركوك، لَيسَ مِنْ إثنان لكن مِنْ ثلاثة قوميات – الاكراد و العرب و الاتراك—فان هناك إمكانية ضخمة للنزاعِ

هل هنالك اهتمام كثير من قبل المجتمع الدولي بحالة التركمان الذين تعرضوا الى معاملة غير عادلة ؟

الأُمم المتّحدة تريدُ إيجاد حَلّ للوضع في كركوك متلازم و يؤسس الحماية للقوميات -- للأكراد، للعرب، وللتركمان، ولكُلّ شخصِ ، لكي يستطيعوا ان يَعِيشوا بسلام.
النظام العراقي قبل 2003 طَردَ التركمان أيضاً مِنْ كركوك، صادرَ ملكيتَهم وإعتبرَهم عرب في إحصاءاتِ السكان الوطنيةِ
ان التركمان يستحقون الحماية في كركوك

تركيا تَتوسّطُ الآن بين سوريا وإسرائيل. هَلْ تَعتقدُ بأنّها سَتفتح الطريق أمام الولايات المتّحدةِ للتعامل مَع سوريا؟

انه لمن المفيد جدا لتركيا التَدَخُّل في هذا لأنها يُمْكِنُ أَنْ تتحدث مع كلا الجانبينِ و كذلك مع الفلسطينيين. تركيا لديها علاقاتُ جيدةُ بكُلّ الاطراف الثلاثة. و لكن بدون الولايات المتّحدةِ وقوةِ رفعها، سوف لن يكون هنالك تقدّماً في المسار الاسرائيلي- السوري أَو المسار إلاسرائيلي- الفلسطينيّ. هناك إدارة بطّة عرجاءِ في البيت الأبيضِ، ونحن يَجِبُ أَنْ نَنتظرَ الرئيسَ القادمَ

هَل ْتعتقد بان تركيا يُمْكِنُ أَنْ تَتوسّطَ بين إيران والولايات المتّحدة؟

المواجهة الحالية بين إيران والولايات المتّحدة لَيسَ مفيدةَ لتركيا. تركيا لا تُريدُ عَزْل إيران، لكن الولايات المتّحدةَ تَعْزلُ إيران. في مثلثِ الولايات المتّحدةِ، إيران وتركيا، تَشْعرُ تركيا بعدم الراحة في الوقت الحاضر بسبب موقفِ إدارة بوشَ
إذا تبدل هذا-- كُلّ المرشّحون في الولايات المتّحدةِ، جون ماكين، هيلاري كلنتن ،باراك اوباما أشاروا َ بان نظرتهم متعددة الاطراف أكثر من إدارة بوشِ –
ثمّ تركيا يُمْكِنُ أَنْ تَلْعبَ دور مفيد جداً بِجانب الإتحاد الأوربي في تفاوض الوقايةِ في إيران الذي سيمنع البرنامج السلمي المزعوم من التحول الى برنامج عسكري

جوست . ر . هلترمان
جوست . ر . هلترمان . هو نائب مدير برنامج الشرق الأوسطُ وشمال أفريقيا في مجموعةِ الأزمةِ الدوليةِ (آي سي جي)، و هي منظمة غير حكومية مكرسة لمنع النزاعات ومقرها بروكسل. حضّر في الاونة الاخيرة دِراساتَ عن قلةِ التقدّمِ السياسيِ في العراق أثناء الإندفاعِ؛ سياسات المجلس الأعلى ، وهو أحد أحزاب العراق الشيعية الإسلامية ؛ و أحد اطراف النزاع على كركوك. و منذ 1994 و لغاية 2002 عَملَ كمديرِ تنفيذيِ لقسمِ الاسلحةَ في منظمة Human Rights Watchِ في واشنطن. قبل ذلك ، كَانَ مستشار الشرق الأوسطِ لمنظماتِ حقوقِ الإنسان الدوليةِ، ومن ضمنها منظمة العفو الدوليةِ ، يَجري التحقيقاتَ في إيران والعراق وإسرائيل وفلسطين ولبنان. عَملَ أيضاً لمنظمة حقوقِ الإنسان الفلسطينيِّ(الحق ) في رام الله. يَحْملُ شهادة دكتوراه في عِلْمِ الإجتماع مِنْ جامعة كاليفورنيا، سانتا كروز، وإطروحته نُشِرتْ بمطبعةِ جامعة Princeton تحت عَنوانَ " خلف الإنتفاضةَ : العمل وحركات النِساءِ في المناطق المحتلةِ." هلترمان أيضاً هو مُؤلفُ " قضية سامّة : أمريكا، العراق، وتسمّيم حلبجة بالغاز ، "نَشرَ في السَنَة الماضية

ترجمة دائرة الاعلام
الجبهة التركمانية العراقية

15 06 2008