Press Release! Please Circulate! All Welcome!
Iraq Solidarity Campaign
Hussein Al-Alak
Food for Aid - 20/3/2009 @ Didsbury Mosque, Manchester
The over all effects of War Induced Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) has not yet been made visible for the world to see, but the scars are beginning to show themselves across areas of conflict, with PTSD expressing itself through acts of behaviour such as domestic violence, drug and substance abuse, self-harming and suicide.
It is also showing itself through severe learning disabilities among children, anxiety and sleeplessness, nightmares and eating disorders. The Iraq Solidarity Campaign UK believe that it is time for the world to wake up and begin taking a pro-active approach to combating PTSD and to show our solidarity with both trauma workers and their patients.
Inside of Iraq alone, there has been over one million people killed since the invasion in 2003, there are also an estimated five million traumatised child orphans, along with an estimated 2.5 million refugee children, with the overwhelming majority of Iraqi children suffering from trauma related learning impediments.
According to the United Nations, there are over 50,000 Palestinians within the Gaza Strip, who are in urgent need of psychological assistance, with international news outlets reporting that children are even afraid of going to school.
British author and ex-SAS Soldier Andy McNab has even warned that Britain is going to face a “social crisis” because of the trauma experienced by soldiers, as a result of being kept in war zones like Iraq and Afghanistan. McNab has also warned that the ongoing “neglect by the Government” is putting soldiers at an “unprecedented risk” of mental health problems including the risk of suicide.
Food for Aid is an afternoon of awareness and socialising, which will provide the people of Manchester with the opportunity to express their support for the Iraqi Red Crescent, the Gaza Mental Health Hospital and Combat Stress - with all three organisations being in the front line, in dealing with the psychological wounds of war.
Money raised on the day, will assist each organisation to continue their work with proceeds raised, helping to deliver essential services to trauma victims, such as first aid and trauma training, counselling, bereavement support, disability aids and adaptations, along with the provision of services such as respite care.
Food For Aid will take place on Friday 20th March 2009, at the Didsbury Mosque in South Manchester and is located on the Barlow Moor Road and Burton Road junction. It will begin at 12:30 pm, where there will also be a chance to speak with campaigners and obtain more information about the issue.
To get involved or to help us organise future events, please contact the Iraq Solidarity Campaign on Iraq_campaign@yahoo.co.uk or by phone on 0788 084 0562. You can also read more about our campaign on PTSD on our website: http://www.iraqsolidaritycampaign.blogspot.com/
also check out:
Combat Stress - Ex-Services Mental Welfare Society.
http://www.combatstress.org.uk/
The Iraqi Red Crescent
http://www.iraqredcrescent.org/
dimanche 15 mars 2009
The Myth of Kurdistan
Iraq's northern enclave used to be called a model for the rest of the country. Not anymore, say Kurds.
Lennox Samuels
NEWSWEEK
From the magazine issue dated Mar 23, 2009
Until the old man is out of the way, everyone else who hungers for power in Iraqi Kurdistan is on hold. It could be a long wait. Despite his chronic bad knee and a Mayo Clinic heart operation last August, 75-year-old Jalal Talabani, Iraq's president, is a survivor. At present, he and his longtime rival, Massoud Barzani (together with their families and their respective political machines), still control the largest part of what's worth controlling in the three northern Iraqi provinces that make up the autonomous region. Government ranks are filled with their relatives.
Barzani himself is president of the Kurdistan Regional Government, while his nephew Nechirvan is its prime minister and his son Masrour is in charge of intelligence. Talabani's son Qubad is the Kurds' man in Washington, while a nephew heads counterintelligence. Backers once touted Kurdistan as the model for a democratic Iraq—perhaps even for a total makeover of the Middle East. But if anything, the place seems more and more like a stagnant, feudal principality.
Kurdistan used to be the Americans' favorite part of Iraq.
Temperate and stable, pro-Western, mostly secular and gleefully capitalist, it was a haven from the chaos and bloodshed that engulfed the rest of the country. It was never perfect—then as now, corruption was endemic, human rights were patchy and civic life was dominated by the same two parties: Barzani's Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and Talabani's Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK). Still, most Kurds could live with the flaws as long as the regional government defended their hard-won autonomy and kept away the suicide bombers.
But as the rest of Iraq keeps growing more open and democratic, the enclave remains stuck in its old ways—and ordinary Kurds are noticing. Businessmen grumble at having to form partnerships with government cronies; voters are demanding more choice. One recent survey in the region found that 83 percent of respondents say the place needs to change. "We're fed up with a government that forgets about people," says Mousa Rasoul, 39, owner of a small business in the town of Sangasar. Those complaints are not to be ignored, a senior Kurdish official agrees. "If we don't respond, others will come and take over this place," he tells NEWSWEEK, asking not to be named on such a risky topic. "Whether it is the Islamists or someone else. We cannot count anymore on revolutionary rhetoric to justify our rule."
Such warnings may be wasted on Kurdistan's two great clans. Talabani created the PUK in 1975 as a leftist challenger to the "feudalist, tribalist, bourgeois, rightist and capitulationist" KDP of the Barzani family. Thousands on both sides are said to have died before the two parties signed a formal ceasefire in 1998 and carved up the region. They gave up their ideological differences long ago, and neither hides its desire for a piece of any action in sight—starting with the region's share of the national budget, which totaled about $6 billion last year. Kurdish officials say each of the two parties takes as much as $35 million per month off the top, although party leaders deny any knowledge of such sums.
Even the Kurdish budget is undisclosed. "We need a transparent [regional] budget," complains the senior Kurdish official. The vast majority of Kurds agree. In a February poll by the Erbil-based Kurdistan Institute for Political Issues, 94 percent of respondents said the regional government ought to make its budget public and specify where and how the money is spent.
Much has been made of Kurdistan's booming economy, but the region is littered with unfinished construction projects. Most foreign investors, daunted by red tape and confusion, are skittish. A former member of the PUK politburo says no oil company operates in Kurdistan without paying commissions to party or regional-government officials. NEWSWEEK was at a recent meeting where one local entrepreneur complained to top Kurdish officials that businessmen have to pay millions to party bureaucrats to win contracts. The officials commiserated.
But neither party tolerates criticism especially well. Local journalists tell of beatings, death threats, even charges of treason. Dissidents are subject to far rougher treatment. "There have been widespread and credible allegations of torture and people being detained for years without a hint of due process," says Joseph Logan of Human Rights Watch. The U.S. State Department's latest Human Rights Report describes abusive practices in the regional government's jails, including electric shocks, beatings and "suspensions in stress positions."
Masrour Barzani says he's doing his best as intelligence and security chief to correct any problems in his jails. The idea, he says, is to build "a more world-standard institution that would be strong enough both to withstand challenges and at the same time be very modern and civilized in terms of protection of citizens and in terms of conduct of duty." Logan credits Masrour Barzani with giving good access to Human Rights Watch investigators, but he adds: "There's well-documented harassment of journalists who have expressed views critical of the political leadership. If the response to pointed criticism is to go after the critics … then you can say that experiment [with openness] has not come to fruition."
Kurds hate seeing their political system falling behind that of other Iraqis. Across Iraq a January vote for provincial councils was an impressive show of wide-open democracy, in which several incumbents were tossed out of office. By contrast, the Kurds have yet to hold their own provincial elections, and the PUK and KDP have signaled their intent to field a joint "closed" list. Instead of offering a real choice, ballots will present a slate of candidates drawn from both dominant parties.
Officials from those parties insist their leaders are receptive to opposing views. "Jalal Talabani has been more willing than many others to listen and change," says a senior PUK official. The party has promised it will work toward more transparency and less control. A KDP Central Committee member says his party is also working toward opening up: "Massoud Barzani wants to be seen more as the president of Kurdistan than as carrying on the party agenda," he says. Peter Galbraith, a former U.S. ambassador to Croatia and a longtime supporter of Kurdistan, argues that conditions are improving there. "I think there has been a lot of progress," he says, although he concedes: "Periodically, there are things that one doesn't like to see." A Western defender of the Kurds, asking not to be named on such a sensitive topic, says Kurdistan's people have their own priorities. "The national issue is so important to Kurds that other issues, like democratization, take a back seat," he says.
Not all Kurds agree—and they say the parties need to start cleaning up fast. "You simply cannot go on justifying your rule based on what you did 20 years ago," says the senior Kurdish official. "We can either be a party of the past and end up like Fatah in Palestine, or regenerate ourselves like the Labour Party in the U.K." The time to decide is running out.
With Ferhad Murasil
URL: http://www.newsweek.com/id/189239
Lennox Samuels
NEWSWEEK
From the magazine issue dated Mar 23, 2009
Until the old man is out of the way, everyone else who hungers for power in Iraqi Kurdistan is on hold. It could be a long wait. Despite his chronic bad knee and a Mayo Clinic heart operation last August, 75-year-old Jalal Talabani, Iraq's president, is a survivor. At present, he and his longtime rival, Massoud Barzani (together with their families and their respective political machines), still control the largest part of what's worth controlling in the three northern Iraqi provinces that make up the autonomous region. Government ranks are filled with their relatives.
Barzani himself is president of the Kurdistan Regional Government, while his nephew Nechirvan is its prime minister and his son Masrour is in charge of intelligence. Talabani's son Qubad is the Kurds' man in Washington, while a nephew heads counterintelligence. Backers once touted Kurdistan as the model for a democratic Iraq—perhaps even for a total makeover of the Middle East. But if anything, the place seems more and more like a stagnant, feudal principality.
Kurdistan used to be the Americans' favorite part of Iraq.
Temperate and stable, pro-Western, mostly secular and gleefully capitalist, it was a haven from the chaos and bloodshed that engulfed the rest of the country. It was never perfect—then as now, corruption was endemic, human rights were patchy and civic life was dominated by the same two parties: Barzani's Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and Talabani's Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK). Still, most Kurds could live with the flaws as long as the regional government defended their hard-won autonomy and kept away the suicide bombers.
But as the rest of Iraq keeps growing more open and democratic, the enclave remains stuck in its old ways—and ordinary Kurds are noticing. Businessmen grumble at having to form partnerships with government cronies; voters are demanding more choice. One recent survey in the region found that 83 percent of respondents say the place needs to change. "We're fed up with a government that forgets about people," says Mousa Rasoul, 39, owner of a small business in the town of Sangasar. Those complaints are not to be ignored, a senior Kurdish official agrees. "If we don't respond, others will come and take over this place," he tells NEWSWEEK, asking not to be named on such a risky topic. "Whether it is the Islamists or someone else. We cannot count anymore on revolutionary rhetoric to justify our rule."
Such warnings may be wasted on Kurdistan's two great clans. Talabani created the PUK in 1975 as a leftist challenger to the "feudalist, tribalist, bourgeois, rightist and capitulationist" KDP of the Barzani family. Thousands on both sides are said to have died before the two parties signed a formal ceasefire in 1998 and carved up the region. They gave up their ideological differences long ago, and neither hides its desire for a piece of any action in sight—starting with the region's share of the national budget, which totaled about $6 billion last year. Kurdish officials say each of the two parties takes as much as $35 million per month off the top, although party leaders deny any knowledge of such sums.
Even the Kurdish budget is undisclosed. "We need a transparent [regional] budget," complains the senior Kurdish official. The vast majority of Kurds agree. In a February poll by the Erbil-based Kurdistan Institute for Political Issues, 94 percent of respondents said the regional government ought to make its budget public and specify where and how the money is spent.
Much has been made of Kurdistan's booming economy, but the region is littered with unfinished construction projects. Most foreign investors, daunted by red tape and confusion, are skittish. A former member of the PUK politburo says no oil company operates in Kurdistan without paying commissions to party or regional-government officials. NEWSWEEK was at a recent meeting where one local entrepreneur complained to top Kurdish officials that businessmen have to pay millions to party bureaucrats to win contracts. The officials commiserated.
But neither party tolerates criticism especially well. Local journalists tell of beatings, death threats, even charges of treason. Dissidents are subject to far rougher treatment. "There have been widespread and credible allegations of torture and people being detained for years without a hint of due process," says Joseph Logan of Human Rights Watch. The U.S. State Department's latest Human Rights Report describes abusive practices in the regional government's jails, including electric shocks, beatings and "suspensions in stress positions."
Masrour Barzani says he's doing his best as intelligence and security chief to correct any problems in his jails. The idea, he says, is to build "a more world-standard institution that would be strong enough both to withstand challenges and at the same time be very modern and civilized in terms of protection of citizens and in terms of conduct of duty." Logan credits Masrour Barzani with giving good access to Human Rights Watch investigators, but he adds: "There's well-documented harassment of journalists who have expressed views critical of the political leadership. If the response to pointed criticism is to go after the critics … then you can say that experiment [with openness] has not come to fruition."
Kurds hate seeing their political system falling behind that of other Iraqis. Across Iraq a January vote for provincial councils was an impressive show of wide-open democracy, in which several incumbents were tossed out of office. By contrast, the Kurds have yet to hold their own provincial elections, and the PUK and KDP have signaled their intent to field a joint "closed" list. Instead of offering a real choice, ballots will present a slate of candidates drawn from both dominant parties.
Officials from those parties insist their leaders are receptive to opposing views. "Jalal Talabani has been more willing than many others to listen and change," says a senior PUK official. The party has promised it will work toward more transparency and less control. A KDP Central Committee member says his party is also working toward opening up: "Massoud Barzani wants to be seen more as the president of Kurdistan than as carrying on the party agenda," he says. Peter Galbraith, a former U.S. ambassador to Croatia and a longtime supporter of Kurdistan, argues that conditions are improving there. "I think there has been a lot of progress," he says, although he concedes: "Periodically, there are things that one doesn't like to see." A Western defender of the Kurds, asking not to be named on such a sensitive topic, says Kurdistan's people have their own priorities. "The national issue is so important to Kurds that other issues, like democratization, take a back seat," he says.
Not all Kurds agree—and they say the parties need to start cleaning up fast. "You simply cannot go on justifying your rule based on what you did 20 years ago," says the senior Kurdish official. "We can either be a party of the past and end up like Fatah in Palestine, or regenerate ourselves like the Labour Party in the U.K." The time to decide is running out.
With Ferhad Murasil
URL: http://www.newsweek.com/id/189239
samedi 14 mars 2009
Jalal Talabani likely to retire from office at the end of this year?
Iraq's President Jalal Talabani is likely to retire from office rather than seek another term when his mandate expires at the end of this year, a senior official from his party said on Saturday
http://www.hurriyet.com.tr/english/world/11208742.asp?scr=1
But Talabani, who underwent heart surgery in the United States in August last year, will remain head of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan party, a senior parliamentarian from the Kurdish alliance, Fouad Masoum, said.
"It doesn't mean he will give up his political life. It just means he will not go for the presidential post," he told Reuters. "He wants to take a rest."
A Kurd, Talabani has been president since 2005. Although he does not wield executive power in Iraq, his role is seen as critical in maintaining the country's delicate ethnic balance. His two vice presidents are a Shi'ite and a Sunni Arab.
Their mandates expire at the end of December, when Iraq holds parliamentary polls that could radically alter the power balance in Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki's coalition government. Parliament elects the three-member Presidency Council.
Masoum said Talabani's role as broker between Iraq's often fractious ethnic and sectarian groups had worn him out."That task is very tough ... working with all Iraqi parties and trying to bring together their diverse viewpoints," Masoum said, adding Talabani's choice "is not a final decision."
His stepping down could come at a dangerous time for Iraq.
Relations between the Shi'ite Arab-led government in Baghdad and largely autonomous Kurdistan in the north are likely to remained heated. Disputes over territory along the Kurdistan border and oil rights show no sign of being resolved.
Though Talabani has usually sought to stay out of Iraq's political wrangling, his council's veto has sometimes shot down legislation that would have been divisive.
In July last year, he blocked a provincial elections law that his fellow Kurds bitterly opposed because they feared it would set back their goal of controlling the oil-rich city of Kirkuk. The law was later redrafted to please all sides.
http://www.hurriyet.com.tr/english/world/11208742.asp?scr=1
But Talabani, who underwent heart surgery in the United States in August last year, will remain head of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan party, a senior parliamentarian from the Kurdish alliance, Fouad Masoum, said.
"It doesn't mean he will give up his political life. It just means he will not go for the presidential post," he told Reuters. "He wants to take a rest."
A Kurd, Talabani has been president since 2005. Although he does not wield executive power in Iraq, his role is seen as critical in maintaining the country's delicate ethnic balance. His two vice presidents are a Shi'ite and a Sunni Arab.
Their mandates expire at the end of December, when Iraq holds parliamentary polls that could radically alter the power balance in Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki's coalition government. Parliament elects the three-member Presidency Council.
Masoum said Talabani's role as broker between Iraq's often fractious ethnic and sectarian groups had worn him out."That task is very tough ... working with all Iraqi parties and trying to bring together their diverse viewpoints," Masoum said, adding Talabani's choice "is not a final decision."
His stepping down could come at a dangerous time for Iraq.
Relations between the Shi'ite Arab-led government in Baghdad and largely autonomous Kurdistan in the north are likely to remained heated. Disputes over territory along the Kurdistan border and oil rights show no sign of being resolved.
Though Talabani has usually sought to stay out of Iraq's political wrangling, his council's veto has sometimes shot down legislation that would have been divisive.
In July last year, he blocked a provincial elections law that his fellow Kurds bitterly opposed because they feared it would set back their goal of controlling the oil-rich city of Kirkuk. The law was later redrafted to please all sides.
.JPG)
vendredi 13 mars 2009
AMERICA'S DARTH VADER / DICK CHENEY
AMERICA'S DARTH VADER / DICK CHENEY
Allen L. ROLAND
As I have said for years, Dick Cheney's fingerprints are on virtually every lie and abuse of power committed by the corrupt Cheney/Bush administration. Seymour Hersh's recent revelations about an 'executive assassination ring' that directly reported to Cheney is another strong indication of Cheney's shadow presidency ~ which will eventually be linked to the 9/11 conspiracy or cover up: Allen L Roland
By 2008, Vice President Dick Cheney's shadow presidency was in full view ~ it answered to no one and that included the President. Remember, Cheney asserted in June, 2007 that his office is not a part of the executive branch of the U.S. government, and therefore not bound by a presidential order governing the protection of classified information by government agencies ~ http://www.commondreams.org/archive/2007/06/21/2021/
T.D. Allman / Rolling Stone / in an article entitled The Curse of Dick Cheney summed up Cheney's slide to the dark side ~ " As vice president, Cheney was the decisive force pushing America into war. In the inner councils of the administration, it was he who emasculated Colin Powell, cut the State Department out of effective policymaking, foisted fake reports on the intelligence agencies and supplanted the National Security Council.
It was also Cheney who placed appointees personally loyal to him, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, in charge of the Pentagon and speckled the warmaking bureaucracy with desk officers culled from neoconservative Washington think tanks ~ ideologues with no military experience ~ Those who have known him over the years remain astounded by what they describe as his almost autistic indifference to the thoughts and feelings of others " http://www.rollingstone.com/politics/story?id=6450422
But legendary investigative reporter Seymour Hersh, on March 10th dropped another bombshell regarding Cheney at a “Great Conversations” event at the University of Minnesota.
In response to a question if executive abuse of power still happens today, Hersh replied ~
“Yuh. After 9/11, I haven’t written about this yet, but the Central Intelligence Agency was very deeply involved in domestic activities against people they thought to be enemies of the state. Without any legal authority for it. They haven’t been called on it yet. That does happen.
“Yuh. After 9/11, I haven’t written about this yet, but the Central Intelligence Agency was very deeply involved in domestic activities against people they thought to be enemies of the state. Without any legal authority for it. They haven’t been called on it yet. That does happen.
"Right now, today, there was a story in the New York Times that if you read it carefully mentioned something known as the Joint Special Operations Command -- JSOC it’s called. It is a special wing of our special operations community that is set up independently. They do not report to anybody, except in the Bush-Cheney days, they reported directly to the Cheney office. They did not report to the chairman of the joint chiefs of staff or to Mr. [Robert] Gates, the secretary of defense. They reported directly to him. ...
"Congress has no oversight of it. It’s an executive assassination ring essentially, and it’s been going on and on and on. Just today in the Times there was a story that its leaders, a three star admiral named [William H.] McRaven, ordered a stop to it because there were so many collateral deaths.
Under President Bush’s authority, they’ve been going into countries, not talking to the ambassador or the CIA station chief, and finding people on a list and executing them and leaving. That’s been going on, in the name of all of us." Bush 'executive assassination ring' reported directly to Cheney office: Seymour Hersh
Starting with the infamous Office of Special Projects which fed tainted Iraq intelligence directly to Cheney's office, to the outing of Valerie Plame which led to the indictment of Cheney's top Aide Scooter Libby ~ we then had the emergence of David Addington who answered only to Cheney and has been at the center of nearly every controversy shaking the White House.
Once again ~ This was a Dick Cheney Administration and Bush was its cheerleader . All marching orders came from Cheney ~ and then, in 2003, Ron Hutcheson, Philadelphia Inquirer, added more validity to this naked truth by stating that the Torture memos, spying, Guantanamo can all be traced to Cheney's top aide, David Addington. See BUSH RESELLING CHENEY'S WAR ~http://blogs.salon.com/0002255/2006/03/23.html
It stands to reason that if Cheney felt he had the power to eliminate anyone on the planet, he could certainly have easily outed Valerie Plame without conscience and he most certainly could have played a key role in the 9/11 cover up or conspiracy as a justification for attacking Iraq and seizing its oil reserves
It tells you alot about the darkness of Cheney's mind that the first thing to come to his mind when looking for bright spots in his term of office was 9/11 ~ as revealed in a Chris Wallace interview on Fox news in December, 2008.
The former head of the Star Wars missile defense program under Presidents Ford and Carter, Dr Robert M Bowman, Lt. Col., USAF, ret, has gone public to say that the official version of 9/11 is a conspiracy theory and his main suspect for the architect of the attack is Vice President Dick Cheney.
Bowman is no lightweight ~ He flew 101 combat missions in Vietnam. He is the recipient of the Eisenhower Medal, the George F. Kennan Peace Prize, the President’s Medal of Veterans for Peace, the Society of Military Engineers Gold Medal (twice), six Air Medals, and dozens of other awards and honors. His Ph.D. is in Aeronautics and Nuclear Engineering from Caltech. He chaired 8 major international conferences, and is one of the country’s foremost experts on National Security.
If Cheney, who already had control of the government, orchestrated or at the least allowed the 9/11 attacks to occur, and remember he was in total control of the situation room during part of the so-called attacks ~ it would make total sense that he would go out of his way to justify this action by blatantly pushing for an attack on Iraq ~ which is what he subsequently did.
So what was Bush obliviously waiting for in that classroom in Florida, while supposedly reading the book My Pet Goat, which was upside down, and America was under attack ? He was waiting for instructions from Cheney ~ who had already seized control of the government as shadow president.
Here's another confirming view about Cheney's shadow government that answered to no-one including the President ~ " Dick Cheney was running a completely separate chain of Command & Control via the Secret Service, assuring the paralysis of Air Force response on 9/11. The Secret Service has the technology to see the same radar screens the FAA sees in real time. They also have the legal authority and technological capability to take supreme command in cases of national emergency. Dick Cheney was the acting Commander in Chief on 9/11."
http://fromthewilderness.com/free/ww3/011805_simplify_case.shtml
Evidently, Bush was kept purposely out of the 9/11 loop by Cheney which is why Cheney resisted being interviewed under oath by the 9/11 commission and insisted that he and Bush be interviewed together.
As such, 9/11 was indeed Dick Cheney's bright spot or big moment and he obviously took full advantage of it ~ and we are still paying the price for his deceptions.
RE-OPEN 9/11 INVESTIGATION
Allen L Roland
http://blogs.salon.com/0002255/2009/03/12.html
jeudi 12 mars 2009
Bush'a pabuca 3 yıl hapis
Hüriyetim Internetim
Bush'a pabuca 3 yıl hapis
Irak'ı ziyaret eden eski ABD Başkanı George Bush'a pabuç fırlatan Iraklı gazeteciyi 3 yıl hapis cezası verildi.
ABD'nin eski Başkanı George Bush'a Bağdat'taki basın toplantısı sırasında ayakkabı fırlatan Iraklı gazeteci Muntazar El Zeydi 3 yıl hapis cezası aldı. Bağdat Merkez Ceza Mahkemesi'nde görülen duruşmada El Zeydi'nin, Irak ceza kanununun 132. maddesinin 3.
fıkrasına göre suçlu bulunduğu belirtildi.
GAZETECİNİN KARDEŞİ BAYILDI
Kararın açıklandığı mahkeme salonunda El Zeydi'nin kardeşleri Irak yargısını eleştirince arbede çıktı.
Bu sırada El Zeydi'nin küçük kardeşi, mahkeme salonunda bayıldı.
KARDEŞİM ÖLDÜRÜLEBİLİR
Gazeteci Muntazar El Zeydi'nin ağabeyi, “kardeşimin hayatından endişe ediyoruz. Cezasını Irak dışında çekmesini talep edeceğiz” dedi.Ağabey Uday el Zeydi duruşmadan sonra yaptığı açıklamada, mahkemenin adil ve dürüst olmadığını, adalete güvenlerini yitirdiklerini, kararın önceden hazırlanmış olduğunu düşündüklerini söyledi.Uday, “Kardeşimin hayatının artık tehlike altında olduğuna inanıyoruz. 3 yıl hapis cezasını çekmekte olduğu sırada öldürülebilir. Bu nedenle kardeşimizin cezasını Irak dışında çekmesini talep edeceğiz' dedi.
Savunma heyeti başkanı Diya el Sadi de yaptığı açıklamada, “verilen hüküm adil değil, mahkeme heyetine sunduğumuz taleplerin hiç biri göz önüne alınmadı, temyize gideceğiz” dedi.
YARGILAMA 19 ŞUBAT'TA BAŞLAMIŞTI
Başkentte sıkı korunan yeşil bölgede yerel saatle 10.00'da başlayan duruşma bir saat gecikmeyle başladı. El Zeydi'nin davası 19 Şubatta başlamıştı.
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