samedi 18 avril 2009

Third Iraqi Turkmen Media Council Conference - Istanbul






Third Iraqi Turkmen Media Council Conference
Istanbul
10-12 April 2009

Merry Fitzgerald’s Speech




I thank the General Secretary and the Members of the Turkmen Media Council for inviting me to the 3rd Turkmen Media Conference and for giving me the opportunity to speak.

Distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen:

Journalism in Iraq

Journalism in Iraq began with Zawra newspaper in June 1869, it was published in Turkish and later in Turkish and Arabic, its editor in chief was a Turkmen.

The Turkmen media in Kerkuk are almost a century old, their history goes back to even before the creation of the Iraqi state, indeed Havadis Gazetesi was the first newspaper which was published in the Turkish language in Kerkuk (in 1911), it was followed by Maaref Gazetesi in 1913.

After the First Word War, when Iraq came under British occupation, the Turkmen media were published in two languages: Turkish and Arabic, i.e. Necme in 1918, Teceddüt in 1920, Kerkük Gazetesi, a weekly publication of Kerkük Municipality from 1926-1974, Ileri in 1935, Afak in 1954, Beshir in 1959 and Kardaşlik in 1960.

After the 14th July 1958 revolution in Iraq which brought down the monarchy and established the republic in Iraq a new constitution was written. In this first republican era constitution the Iraqi people were defined as being composed of Arabs and Kurds.

One can consider that the actual problem of the Turkmens in Iraq has started with this first republican era constitution which has discriminated and marginalised their community by down-grading it to the level of a minority with lesser rights than their Arab and Kurdish compatriots.

The Turkmens were not allowed to be educated in their mother tongue and whilst the Arabic and Kurdish media were able to flourish in Iraq the Turkmens lost the right to publish in their own language, with the consequence that today, Turkmen media have a shortage of professional journalists and are lagging behind.

In the north of Iraq where the majority of the Turkmens live and where the Turkmen region is located Turkmens have suffered from the policy of arabisation in the past and are suffering since April 2003 from the hegemonic policy of the dominant Kurdish parties who are applying the policy of kurdification of the Turkmen region (Turkmeneli) in the north of Iraq.

The Turkmen media can play a very important role in promoting and defending the rights of the Turkmen community, indeed, the media play a crucial role in shaping a healthy democracy; they are the backbone of a democracy. The media can shape people’s opinions and it is not without reason that they are also called the fourth pillar of democracy alongside the executive, legislative and judiciary powers.

Hence, the Turkmen media’s role in the development of the Turkmen society in Iraq should not be under-estimated, the media’s role is to create a social awakening about the cultural heritage, it has to build confidence and instil a sense of responsibility particularly among the youth.

As far as I know, since 2003 up to now, the Turkmens of Iraq do not yet have their own daily newspaper published in their language, this is unfortunate and all the Turkmens with their different political parties and organizations must realize that it neither logical nor acceptable for a community of almost 3 million people which considers itself rightfully as the third main ethnic community in Iraq, not to have a daily paper published in their language.

In these troubled times it is important for Turkmens to be kept informed about the political developments in Iraq, this will enable them to defend their cause and to demand their rights.

With the proliferation of alternative media, websites and blogs the Turkmens also have the opportunity to make the international public opinion aware of their situation and this requires a good knowledge of foreign languages To get people’s attention and to be credible Turkmens should give special attention to the quality of their writings, as sloppy texts are often misunderstood and do not draw the attention of the readers.

Turkmen youth in Iraq should therefore be encouraged to study communication and journalism and they should be given a chance to study abroad in order to learn foreign languages such as English, French, Spanish and German and become familiar with other cultures. Young Turkmens of the Diaspora should also be encouraged to study communication, as they already have the advantage of being familiar with foreign cultures.

Iraq’s Future

On the subject of Iraq’s future a lot has been said and published in the media, US and EU experts are giving their opinions and advice, which are mostly patronizing and which do not necessarily represent the interest of the Iraqi people. These “experts” concentrate almost exclusively on the business opportunities in Iraq for their companies and their interest is centred principally on Iraq’s oil, gas and agriculture.

Iraq, as we all know, can be self-sufficient, it has water, wheat and oil. Today, because of the war and occupation, Iraq has to import wheat and even oil and a great number of Iraqis do not have access to water.

The future of Iraq’s oil is being decided under Occupation (by the US through their lackeys in the Iraqi government and by the Kurdish warlords) long term contracts which are giving away Iraq’s oil riches are being signed and these will bind Iraqis for several generations.
What is more, the fate of Iraq’s food sources and agricultural heritage is being looted behind closed doors.

The US-UK’s deliberate bombing of Iraq’s civilian infrastructure of water purification and electrical plants, cattle feed lots, poultry farms, fertilizer warehouses, pumping stations, irrigation systems, fuel depots and pesticide factories – the very infrastructure of Iraqi agriculture – has destroyed the Iraqi Agriculture.

The invasion of Iraq was not only about oil, the US corporate agribusiness is now overseeing the “rehabilitation” of agriculture in Iraq and this means the doom of Iraqi farmers.

Iraqi scientists are ringing the alarm bell, but unfortunately their warnings do not get the attention they deserve in the media.

The Occupation is destroying the economy and the future of Iraq.

Iraq, the Fertile Crescent, is home to the oldest agricultural traditions in the world. It was the centre of domestication for a remarkable range of today’s primary agricultural crops and livestock animals. Wheat, barley, rye, lentils, sheep and goats were all originally brought under human control around 8.000 BCE. Iraq is where wild wheat was once originated and many of its cereal varieties have been exported and adapted worldwide.

The inhabitants of Mesopotamia have used informal seed supply systems to plant crops, suited to their particular environment. The saving and sharing of seeds in Iraq has always been a largely informal matter. Local varieties of grain and legumes have been adapted to local conditions over the millennia. Agriculture remains an essential part of Iraq’s heritage.
Despite extreme aridity, characterised by low rainfall and soil salinity, Iraq had a world standard agricultural sector producing good quality food for generations.

According to the UN Food and Agricultural Organisation (FAO), 97% of Iraqi farmers in 2002 still used saved seed from their own stocks from last year’s harvest, or purchased from local markets, this despite the criminal sanctions which destroyed Iraq’s agricultural sector.


U.S. Policies – GMOs and the Detrimental Effects of Order 81

When Paul Bremer left Baghdad after the so-called “transfer of sovereignty” in June 2004, he left behind the 100 orders he enacted as head of the occupation authority in Iraq.
Among them is Order 81 which he issued and signed on April 26, 2004 (paragraphs 51-79) on “Patent, Industrial Design, Undisclosed Information, Integrated Circuits and Plant Variety”. This order amends Iraq’s original patent law of 1970 and unless and until it is revised or repealed it has the status and force of a binding law; with important implications for farmers and the future of agriculture in Iraq, this order is yet another important component in the US attempts to radically transform Iraq’s economy.

While historically the Iraqi constitution prohibited private ownership of biological resources, the new US-imposed patent law introduces a system of monopoly rights over seeds. Inserted into Iraq’s previous patent law is a whole new chapter on Plant Variety Protection (PVP) that provides for the “protection of new varieties of plants”. PVP is an intellectual property right (IPR) or a kind of patent for plant varieties which gives an exclusive monopoly right on planting material to a plant breeder who claims to have discovered or developed a new variety. So the “protection” in PVP has nothing to do with conservation, but refers to safeguarding of the commercial interests of private breeders (usually large corporations) claiming to have created the new plant.

To qualify for PVP, plant varieties must comply with the standards of the UPOV Convention, (International Union for the Protection of New Plant Varieties) which requires them to be new, distinct, uniform and stable. Farmers’ seeds cannot meet these criteria, making PVP-protected seeds the exclusive domain of corporations. The rights granted to plant breeders in this scheme include the exclusive right to produce, reproduce, sell, export, import and store the protected varieties. These rights extend to harvested material, including whole plants and parts of plants obtained from the use of a protected variety. This kind of PVP system is often the first step towards allowing the full-fledged patenting of life forms. Indeed, in this case the rest of the law does not rule out the patenting of plants or animals.

The term of the monopoly is 20 years for crop varieties and 25 for trees and vines.
During this time the protected variety de facto becomes the property of the breeder, and nobody can plant or otherwise use this variety without compensating the breeder. This new law means that Iraqi farmers can neither freely legally plant nor save for re-planting seeds of any plant variety registered under the plant variety provisions of the new patent law. This deprives farmers from what they and many others worldwide claim as their inherent right to save and replant seeds.

Corporate control

The new law is presented as being necessary to ensure the supply of good quality seeds in Iraq and to facilitate Iraq’s accession to the WTO (World Trade Organization). What it will actually do is facilitate the penetration of Iraqi agriculture by the likes of MONSANTO, SYNGENTA, BAYER and DOW CHEMICAL – the corporate giants that control seed trade across the globe.

Eliminating competition from farmers is a prerequisite for these companies to open up operations in Iraq, which the new law has achieved. Taking over the first step in the food chain is their next move.

Food Sovereignty

Food sovereignty is the right of people to define their own food and agriculture policies, to protect and regulate domestic agricultural production and trade, to decide the way food should be produced, what should be grown locally and what should be imported.

The demand for food sovereignty and the opposition to the patenting of seeds has been central to the small farmers’ struggle all over the world over the past decade. By fundamentally changing the law in Iraq, the US has ensured that Iraq’s agricultural system will remain under “OCCUPATION”.

Unfortunately, the mainstream media hardly cover this important subject and the majority of Iraqis are unaware of this Machiavellian plan which will devastate the future of their country’s agriculture and irremediably change their lives and that of the future generations of Iraqis if it is implemented.

Organizations, activists, farmers and organic food advocates around the world have endorsed and will observe April 26 (day on which Bremer issued and signed this criminal law in 2004) as International Seeds Day (ISD).

A “Greedy, unjust law is meant to be disobeyed”.

The Iraqi Turkmen media can play a paramount role in informing the Iraqi people and especially the farmers of the implications of Order 81, the future of Iraq’s agriculture depends on it.

According to a recent report drafted for the ministers of the Group of Eight nations the world faces a permanent food crisis and global instability unless countries act now to feed a surging population by doubling agricultural output, it warns that global agriculture production must double by 2050.

I wish the Iraqi Turkmens and all the Iraqi people determination and courage to achieve these goals.

I thank you for your attention.

Merry Fitzgerald
Committee for the Defence of the Iraqi Turkmens’ Rights (Belgium)
Istanbul, 10th April 2009.





Notes:
Patent, Industrial Design, Undisclosed Information, Integrated Circuits and Plant Variety Law of 2004, CPA Order No. 81, 26 April 2004, http://www.iraqcoalition.org/regulations/20040426_CPAORD_81_Patents_Law.pdf

UPOV stands for International Union for the Protection of New Plant Varieties. Headquartered in Geneva, Switzerland it is an intergovernmental organisation with 53 members, mostly industrialised countries. The UPOV Convention is a set of standards for the protection of plant varieties, mainly geared toward industrial agriculture and corporate interests. See http://www.upov.org/.

WTO : The World Trade Organisation, wherein the Iraqi Government has an observer status.

Türkmenlerin Dünyaya Sergiledikleri Belirsizlikler- 2



Türkmenlerin Dünyaya Sergiledikleri Belirsizlikler- 2Orhan Ketene

7 Nisan, 2009

Şurası bir gerçektir ki, Türkmenlerde belirsizlikler devam ettikçe, hem Türkmenler saygınlık kaybedecek hemde yabancılar Türkmenler hakkında bildiklerini okuyacaklar ve şimdiki kargaşa devam edecektir.Unutmayalım ki belirsizlik ve karışıklık insanları bezdirir. Bu karışıklığın ana yaratıcıları ise karşıtlarımızdır. Bunun politik adı ise “Dezenformasyon”dur.


Bu belirsizlikler bir an önce merçek altına alınmalı ve eldeki verilerin en doğruları seçilerek belirlenmelidirler. Peki, verilerin hangileri doğrudur?Doğruları seçmek ve benimsemek en başta, Türkmenlerin görevidir ve dünya da bunları kabul etmek zorundadır


Şimdi tek tek belirsizlikleri inceleyelim ve doğruları belirtelim:


Türkmen adı ve şehir adlarının İngilizce şekli konusunda bir kesimimiz hemen İngilizce sözlüklere bakarak doğruları seçelim diyecekler!Bunlara cevabımız : Sözlükler değişimez kutsal kitaplar değillerdir. Bir kaç akademisyenin, piyasayı inceleyip bulgularını içerir. Ortada dolaşan değişik şekillerini yazarlar ama hangisinin doğru olduğunu söylemezler.


Türkmenler kararlarını verdikten sonra hepsi bir ağızdan aynısını tekrar edince, kamuoyu oluşur ve resmileşir. Dünya da bunu böyle kabul eder.Belirsizlik:


1- Türkmenlerin İngilizce adları belli değil: Türkçe adları net bir şekilde belirli olmasına karşın (Tekil: Türkmen, Çoğul: Türkmenler). İngilizcede ise:


Tekil: Turkmen, Turkman, Turkoman, Turcoman, Trukman, Turukman, Turkuman, Torkeman....v.s. Çoğul: Turkmens, Turkmen, Turkmans, Turkomans, Turcomans, Turkomen, Turkomens, Turukmans, Turkumans......v.s.Çözüm:1- Türkmen Adı: Türkmen adındaki karışıklığın sebebi, Arapça veya Farsça yazılışın değişik hecelerle latinceye geçmesindendir.


Türkmen kelimesi bir addır ve hangi dilde olursa olsun değişmez. Nasıl ki (Tekil-Çoğul) Arab-Arabs, Kurd-Kurds, Assyrian-Assyrians deniyorsa Tekil: Turkmen, Çoğul: Turkmens olmalıdır.


Türkmen yazarlar hep birlikte bu şekilde yazarsa ve bunda israr ederse, bu ad genelleşir ve dünyaca kabul edilir ve dünya bilgi kaynaklarına (ansiklopedilere ve internete) bu şekilde kaydedilir.


Aksi taktirde, hem tekile hem çoğula hemde sıfata ayni kelimeyi (Turkmen) kullanırsak, karşımızdakinde şaşkınlık yaratacağız. Eğer çoğula Turkmen dersek, bu kelime: Turk-men olarak anlaşılır yani (Türk erkekler) dolayısıyla, tekil Türkmene: “Turk-man&eq; Turkman” yani (Türk erkek) sonucuna varılır ki yanlıştır.


Sıfatta ise Türkmence &eq; Turkmenian olmalıdır (örnek: Arab-Arabic, Kurd-Kurdish, Turkmen-Turkmenian) (Türkmence&eq;Turkmenian).


Birde karşıtlarımızın durumuna bakalım. Kürt ve Kürdistan, İngilizcede Kurd ve Kurdistan geçiyor. Halbuki bunlarında bir sürü değişik adları vardır (Curd-Curdestan. Kord-Kordestan) ama bu adları bugünkü literatürde göremezsiniz çünkü sabitleştirildi ve adlarla oynanmasına hoş bakmıyorlar.


Bu konuda kişisel tecrübemi anlatmakta yarar görüyorum. ITC´nin Washington temsilciliğini yaptığım yıllarda, 6 Aralık 2002’de Beyaz Saray, ITC’yi resmi Irak muhalefet gurupları arasına koymaya karar verdi, Amerikan Dış İşleri bakan yardımcısıyla yaptığımız toplantıda, Beyaz Saraya, hakkımızdaki gerekli bilgileri verecek bir yetkili bana yaklaşıp sordu: Türkmenler hakkında yaptığı araştırmada 7 tane değişik adlarının olduğunu tesbit ettiğini söyledi. Bunlardan hangisinin doğru olduğunu sordu.


Bende doğrunun Turkmen-Turkmens olduğunu anlattım ve böylece Beyaz Saray kararnamesi yayınlandı. Ondan sonra büyük ölçüde bu şekilde kaldı ve diğer versiyonlar kayboldu. Ancak son zamanlarda yine eski kargaşaya dönmeye başladı. Özellikle tekil-çoğul kargaşası devam etmektedir.


Belirsizlik:

2- Türkmenlerin şehir adlarının latince yazılışı belirsizdir: Kerkuk, Karkuk, Kirkuk, Karkouk. Telafer, Tel Afar, Talafar, Talla’far.Musul, Mosul, Mousil, Mawsil. Erbil, Arbil, Irbil. Altun Kopru, Altun Kupri, Alton Kopru, Alton Kupri. Tawukh, Tawuq, Tavuk, Tawoq, Daquq. Tuz Khurmatu, Tuz Hurmatu, Toz Khurmatu, Toz Khormato. Qara Teppe, Kara Tepe, Qara TappaKhaneqin, Hanekin, Khanaqeen.Qizlarbat, Kizlarbat, Kizil Ribat, Sadiye. Qaraghan, Karagan, Jalawla, Celevla.


Çözüm:

2- Türkmen Şehir Adları: Türkmen şehirlerinin adlarındaki karışıklığın sebebide yine Arapçadaki yazılışın değişik hecelerle latinceye geçmesindendir. Iraklıların Arapça telaffuzu başlıca kuzeyli ve güneyli olarak ikiye ayrılır. Kuzeydekiler genellikle açmayla (Fatha), konuşurlar: Karkuk, Arbil, Hamrin...gibi.


Güneydekiler ise kırmayla (Kesre) konuşurlar: Kirkuk, Irbil, Himrin gibi. Bu şehir adları Arapçada hareketsiz yazılınca, tamamen konuşmacının söyleyişine bağlıdır. İşte bu yüzdendir ki bugünkü karmaşa yaşanmaktadır.


Bunun çözümü şudur: Irakta latince yazan sadece Türkmenlerdir. Dolayısıyla, Türkmenler ne şekilde yazıyorsa, İngilizce yazılarda bunların İngilizce yazılış şekli Türkmence şeklinden ve söylenişinden alınmalıdır.


İngilizcede bazı Türkçe karakterler “ö”,”ü” olmadığına göre “o”,”u”şekline dönüşebilir.


Dolayısıyla: Kerkük&eq; Kerkuk, Altun Köprü&eq; Altun Kopru, Qarağan&eq;Qaragan. Buna göre Türkmenler, şehir adlarını İngilizce yazılarında şöyle yazmalıdırlar: Kerkuk, Telafer, Musul, Erbil, Altun Kopru, Tawukh, Tuz Khurmatu, Kifri, Qara Teppe, Qizlarbat, Qaragan, Khaneqin, Mendeli, Bedre, Aziziye, Mahmudiye, İskenderiye, Yusufiye.


Türkmen yazarlar hep birlikte bu şekilde yazarsa ve bunda israr ederse, bu adlar genelleşir ve dünyaca kabul edilir ve dünya bilgi kaynaklarına (ansiklopedilere ve internete) bu şekilde kaydedilir. Unutmayalım ki adlar kimliktir ve Türkmenler kimliklerinde israr ederseler saygınlıklarıda artar.Arapçalaştırılan Türkmen şehir adları (Te’mim, Salahiyye, Sadiyye, Jalawla) ise kesinlikle kullanılmamalıdır.


Belirsizlik:

3- Türkmenlerin nüfusu belirsizdir: 200.000, 400.000, 800.000, 1 milyon, 1.5 milyon, 2 milyon, 2.5 milyon, 3 milyon, 3.5 milyon, 4 milyon,....v.s. Dünya ansiklopedilerinde Türkmen nüfüsunu 200.000-3.5 milyon arası gösterirler ki bu bilgisayar çağında belirsizliğin en çarpıcı örneğidir.


Çözüm:

3- Türkmen Nüfusu: Genellikle tüm Türkmenlerin ve özellikle yurt dışındaki Türkmen temsilcilerinin en büyük sıkıntısı Türkmen nüfüs sorunudur. Bugüne kadar güvenilir ve doğru bir sayım yapılmadığından, hep tahminlerle gidilmiş ve 1957 sayımı sonuçları esas alınarak enterpolasyonla bugünkü rakamlar çıkartılmıştır ki o da şüphelidir. Türkmenler nüfuslarını abartmaya, karşıtları olan Kürtler ve Araplar ise sayılarını en düşük düzeye düşürmek isterler.


Bu tartışmaya son vermek için mutlaka bir sayım yapılmalıdır. Ekim 2009’da devlet tarafından sayım yapılacağı söyleniyor ancak ne kadar güvenilir olacağı ve şartların ne kadar müsait olduğu şüphelidir.


Aslında en doğrusu, ITC’nin bu sayımı gayri-resmide olsa kendisinin yapmasıdır. ITC, 2003 Nisanından beri Irak genelinde kurduğu 65 dolayındaki bürosu bu işi yapsaydı şimdi sorun olmazdı. Aradan geçen 6 yılda her gün bir kaç aile sayılsaydı, şimdi Türkmen sayısı belli olurdu.


Aslında, Irak devleti tarafından resmi ve sağlıklı bir sayımın yapılması için en başta şu şartların gerçekleşmesi gerekir:


A- Güvenliğin sağlanması ve peşmerge baskılarının kalkması gerekir.


B- Korku veya çıkar yüzünden milliyetini saklamaya yeltenenlere karşılık, Türkmenlerin kendi asıllarını inkar etmeyecek derecede milli şuur verilmelidir. Bu da tüm Türkmenlere ulaşıp, ilgilenmeli ve sorunlarına çare aranmalıdır. Özellikle Araplaşan Türkmenlerin asıllarına dönmeleri ve kabul etmelerine ağırlık verilmelidir.Nüfus sorunu çözülürse Türkmenler için büyük bir belirsizlik ortadan kalkmış olur

http://www.kerkukmedya.com/articles.php?action=view&id=198

vendredi 17 avril 2009

Report by Amnesty International: Human rights in the Kurdistan region of Iraq

Hope and Fear: Human rights in the Kurdistan region of Iraq
Source: Amnesty International (AI)
Date: 14 Apr 2009

Full_Report (pdf* format - 1.1 Mbytes)

Introduction

The Kurdistan Region of Iraq, unlike the rest of the country, has generally been stable since the 2003 US-led invasion. It has witnessed growing prosperity and an expansion of civil society, including the establishment of numerous non-governmental organizations (NGOs) active in the promotion and protection of human rights. The Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) has made progress in the field of human rights. In mid-2008 it released hundreds of political detainees, many of whom had been held for years without charge or trial. It has improved Iraqi legislation; the Press Law of September 2008, for example, expanded freedom of expression, and amendments to the Personal Status Law passed in October 2008 strengthened women's rights.

The authorities have also established several bodies to monitor and prevent violence against women, including specialized police directorates and shelters. Platforms have been established to foster dialogue between the authorities, particularly the Ministry of Human Rights, and civil society organizations on human rights concerns, including violence against women.

Despite these positive and encouraging steps, however, serious human rights violations persist and still need to be addressed. In particular, urgent action by the government is required to ensure that the KRG's internal security service, the Asayish, is made fully accountable under the law and in practice, to investigate allegations of torture, enforced disappearances and other serious human rights violations by the Asayish and other security and intelligence forces. As well, more needs to be done to end violence and discrimination against women, building on the progress achieved so far, and to enhance the standing in society and life choices available to women and girls.

Thirdly, the KRG must take steps to protect and promote the right to freedom of expression, including media freedom, taking into account the vital role of the media in informing the public and acting as a public watchdog.

It is these three areas which form the focus of this report.

Since 2000, thousands of people have been detained arbitrarily and held without charge or trial in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, in some cases for more than seven years. The vast majority were suspected members or supporters of local Islamist organizations, including both armed groups and legal political parties that do not use or advocate violence as part of their political platform. Some were tortured or otherwise ill-treated in detention.

Invariably, detentions were carried out by members of the Asayish , without producing an arrest warrant, and those detained were then denied access to legal representation or the opportunity to challenge their continuing detention before a court of law or an independent judicial body, throughout their incarceration.

Some detainees were subjected to enforced disappearance, including some whose fate and whereabouts have yet to be disclosed – typically, following their arrest by the Asayish or the intelligence services of the two main Kurdish parties, their families were unaware of their fate and whereabouts and were unable toobtain information about them, or confirmation of their detention from the authorities. Dozens of other prisoners, meanwhile, are under sentence of death having been convicted in unfair trials.

Despite welcome government efforts to address "honour crimes" and other violence against women, it is clear from comparing survey data on violence against women with the number of police recorded cases of violence against women that the vast majority of such incidents remain unreported. Even when women have been killed or survived a killing attempt, many perpetrators have not been brought to justice – often because investigations have failed to identify the perpetrators or because suspects remain at large.

Freedom of expression continues to be severely curtailed in practice, despite the recent abolition of imprisonment for publishing offences. Journalists have been arrested and sometimes beaten, particularly when publishing articles criticizing government policies or highlighting alleged corruption and nepotism within the government and the dominant political parties. Again, the hand of the seemingly all powerful and unaccountable Asayish and other security agencies is alleged to be behind a number of these attacks. One journalist was killed in July 2008 in suspicious circumstances.

This report details a wide range of human rights violations committed in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq in recent years. In particular, it sheds light on violations such as arbitrary and prolonged detention without charge or trial, enforced disappearance, torture and other illtreatment, the death penalty, unfair trials, discrimination and violence against women, and attacks on freedom of expression. It includes case studies to illustrate these abuses. The report also puts forward numerous recommendations which, if implemented, would go a long way towards reducing such violations.

Much of the information contained in this report is the outcome of a fact-finding visit conducted by Amnesty International in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq from 23 May to 8 June 2008,2 the first such visit by Amnesty International for several years. Amnesty International submitted its findings, in the form of two memoranda on human rights concerns, to the KRG in August 2008 and sought its response. The responses received in communications from the KRG Ministry of Human Rights at the end of 2008 are reflected in this report.

Full_Report (pdf* format - 1.1 Mbytes)

lundi 6 avril 2009

بيـــــان

بيـــــان

بدعم وتحريض من الحزبين الكرديين وبمساندة الإدارة المحلية بما فيها قوات الشرطة والأسايش في كركوك بالضغط على الموظفين ومن كافة القوميات وفي معظم دوائر الدولة في كركوك لإجبارهم للتوقيع على ما يسمى باستبيان لتقرير مصير كركوك وربطها باقليم (كردستان) في مخالفة واضحة للديمقراطية واستغلال للسلطات الإدارية لأغراض حزبية وانتهاكات صارخة لحقوق الانسان
ان الهدف من وراء هذه الامور هي افشال المادة / 23 من قانون انتخابات مجالس المحافظات وكذلك الضغط على فريق الأمم المتحدة ( اليونامي ) المنهمكة في اعداد تقرير حول المناطق المتنازع عليها وبالأخص كركوك
تطالب الكتلتين ( التركمانية والعربية ) دولة رئيس الوزراء الاستاذ نوري المالكي بالتدخل شخصيا لإيقاف هذه الإجراءات غير القانونية ونطالب السيد استيفان ديمستورا للانتباه إلى هذه الممارسات الاستفزازية واشعال فتيل النزاع وعدم تأثيرها والتأثير على حيادية الأمم المتحدة ونزاهتها
وفي حال إصرار الأحزاب الكردية على ممارسة إجراء استبيان أو استفتاء حول مصير كركوك فاننا نلجأ إلى طلب من الشعب العراقي في جميع المحافظات باستبيان آراءهم حول كركوك ومصيرها


الكتلتين التركمانية والعربية
في مجلس محافظة كركوك
06/04/2009

SYRIA: Fears over gender-based violence in Iraqi community

IRIN

Aid agencies are worried about high levels of sexual and gender-based violence in the Iraqi refugee community in Syria

DAMASCUS, 6 April 2009 (IRIN) - UN agencies working in Syria are worried about high levels of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) in the Iraqi refugee community. No comprehensive statistics on SGBV are available for Syria but local studies and anecdotal evidence suggest that the rate of GBV among the refugees is much higher than among the Syrian population. The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) identified nearly 500 Iraqi victims of SGBV between January and August 2008.

Its update in August 2008 said: “At least 450 survivors of SGBV have been identified since January 2008, making an average of 13 per week.” The most common types of SGBV, said the report, included rape, forced prostitution, trafficking, forced marriage, domestic violence and sexual exploitation. “We have noticed a problem with both physical and emotional abuse,” said Carole Laleve, a spokesperson for the UNHCR. “The number of cases coming to our attention has risen but that may be due to an increased willingness to seek help.” Other agencies report similar findings. “Our anecdotal evidence suggests the rate of GBV in the Iraqi community is higher than in the Syrian one,” said Theodora Tsovili, a psychosocial specialist at the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF).

“Adolescents have particular psychosocial vulnerabilities and since the end of 2007 UNICEF has been running a programme of SGBV prevention among young women and men.”

Over 1.2 millions Iraqis fled their country following the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the outbreak of sectarian violence in its aftermath. Experts say they are not surprised by the higher and continued occurrence of violence, given the vulnerability of Iraqis in Syria. Behaviour change “The Iraqis who fled to Syria are often suffering from post-traumatic disorders, most have a family member who was killed or tortured, often in front of them,” said Ilham Moussa, who works on the UN Population Fund’s (UNFPA’s) US$200,000 humanitarian programme to support the Ministry of Health’s services. “Injuries can also cause behaviour to change and make people more violent,” she added.

Other risk factors such as low income and changes in family roles, such as women becoming the main earners, are also present in the Iraqi community in Syria. These factors expose them to greater risk of SGBV than the Syrian population. Suffering in silence The real levels of SGBV are likely to be underestimated given the reluctance of women, who are usually the victims, to speak out. Doctors in Damascus and the northeastern city of Al-Hassakeh, where most Iraqi refugees live, have reported a number of cases of SGBV in Iraqi families. “Often women are scared to say anything. They think they will be marginalised by their community and have no source of income,” said one doctor from the Dummar suburb of Damascus. “They think about their families and their children and decide that it is better to suffer in silence.”

The UNHCR says its outreach programme, in which a group of Iraqi women are trained to raise awareness by talking to their peers about SGBV, is helping Iraqi women to feel able to talk and seek help. “It is a very sensitive issue but now the women are much more open,” says Laleve.

“There is a lot of pride at the start but as they trust the outreach workers and their desperation increases, they do start to talk.” Workshops Other initiatives to tackle the SGBV are in progress and many more are being planned. UNFPA runs a humanitarian programme which has run six workshops for health professionals in the affected areas on how to deal with victims of violence - both Iraqi and Syrian as they use the same health system.

Health professionals who attended the workshops in Damascus at the end of 2008 were taught how to detect SGBV, which tests to offer victims, and the codes of confidentiality for dealing with them. They were also taught counselling techniques, including methods to teach women how to diffuse violent situations at home. The Ministry of Health is finalising the first set of guidelines on dealing with victims of abuse. Other organisations such as the French development organisation, IECD, are developing SGBV programmes for the Iraqi population. Several shelters are available for referral of the most serious cases.

sb/ar/cb

III. IRAK TÜRKMEN BASIN KONSEYİ KURULTAYI



III. IRAK TÜRKMEN BASIN KONSEYİ KURULTAYI

İstanbul, 10–12 Nisan 2009

BASIN AÇIKLAMASI



III. Irak Türkmen Basın Konseyi Kurultayı10–12 Nisan 2009 Tarihleri Arasında İstanbul’da Toplanıyor


Irak Türkmenlerinin medyasına hizmet eden yazılı ve görsel basın mensupları arasında diyalog oluşturmak, bu alanda çalışanlarının amaçlarına ulaşmasını sağlamak, Türkmen basınının güçlenmesine katkıda bulunmak; tarafsız, bağımsız, doğru ve düzeyli habercilik anlayışı ile Irak ve dünya kamuoyunu bilgilendirmek; Türkmen davasının tanıtımını ve ülke topraklarının birliğinin, saygınlığının ve kutsallığının korunması yolunda Irak Türkmenlerinin yaptığı çağrıyı duyurmak; yazılı, işitsel ve görsel medya alanında çaba harcayan Türkmenler arasında düşünce, bakış, dayanışma, iş ve söylem birliğini pekiştirmek amacıyla III. Irak Türkmen Basın Konseyi Kurultayı 10–12 Nisan 2009 tarihleri arasında İstanbul’da toplanacaktır.



Gazete, dergi, televizyon, radyo, web sitesi ve benzeri iletişim araçlarında çalışan Irak Türkmen yazılı ve görsel medya mensuplarından 100 dolayında delegenin katıldığı kurultaya Kerkük’ten, Bağdat’tan, Musul’dan, Telafer, Tuzhurmatu ve Erbil’den, ABD ve Kanada’dan, İngiltere, Almanya, Fransa, Hollanda ve Danimarka’dan, Avustralya ve Türkiye’den yazı işleri müdürü, editör, başyazar, gazeteci, yazar, muhabir ve web sayfası yöneticileri gibi medyaya yönelik kendi alanında çaba gösteren Türkmen temsilciler katılacaklardır.



Kurultaya ayrıca Arap ve Batı dünyasından 20’ye yakın tanınmış medya temsilci, yazar, gazeteci ve muhabir katılıyor. İstanbul-Osmanbey, Ramada Plaza İstanbul otelinde yapılacak olan kurultay, 10 Nisan 2009, Cuma günü saat 14.30’da Balo Salonu’nda yapılacak açılış oturumu ile başlayacaktır. 3 gün sürecek kurultayda paneller, seminer ve oturumlar yapılacaktır. Kurultay 12 Nisan 2009 Pazar günü sonuç bildirisinin açıklanacağı kapanış oturumu ile çalışmalarını tamamlamış olacaktır.


Düzenleme Komitesi


Prof. Dr. Suphi SAATÇİ

Irak Türkmen Basın Konseyi Genel Sekreteri



Mehmet TÜTÜNCÜ

Türkmen Basın Konseyi Üyesi



Şükran KAYACI

Türkmen Basın Konseyi Üyesi



IRAK TÜRKMEN BASIN KONSEYİ

Nevbahar Mahallesi Kuka Sokağı Huzur Apt. Nu: 1/1

Fındıkzade-Fatih/İSTANBUL

Tel: (0212) 584 00 75

Faks: (0212) 584 00 76


Iraq’s Turkmen intellectuals searching for their future

The third meeting of the Iraqi Turkmen Press Council was held between April 10 and 12 in İstanbul. The purpose of the meeting, organized under the guidance of Professor Suphi Saatçi, Mehmet Tütüncü and Şükran Kayacı, was to promote the Iraqi Turkmen press.

The Turkish press, intellectuals, bureaucrats and politicians were uninterested in the meeting. Interestingly, even İstanbul deputies and representatives of local party organizations did not pay heed to the meeting. The only notable attendees were Erşat Hürmüzlü, the chief advisor to President Abdullah Gül on the Middle East, and Iraq's consul general in İstanbul. Considering the fact that President Gül met with Turkmen and Arab intellectuals in İstanbul on April 11, one can suggest that the Turkish presidency was the only body that attached importance to the meeting. It is an odd contradiction for Turkish intellectuals and politicians to show close interest in Iraqi Kurds while turning a blind eye to Iraqi Turkmens.

Iraqi Turkmens have always been shadowed by the fact that they are regarded as extensions of the Ottoman Empire and the Turkish Republic. They could not manage to get their voices heard about the pressure they were subjected to and the losses they suffered both during the time of Saddam and the US occupation. Their cries were always muted. They were always a community living in the shadows. However, Iraqi Turkmens are intellectual people. They do not like conflicts. They always seek to find conciliation with other groups. They believe in their hearts in territorial integrity, increased welfare and democratization. They do not want be a minority, but desire to be a community within the majority and contribute their richness to Iraq by preserving their identity. This is well exemplified in their past.

The first Iraqi Turkmen newspaper was published in 1915. However, it is ironic that there is no Turkmen press association in Iraq. They note that for several months, they have experienced difficulty in their attempts to become members of the Iraqi Press Association and that they are not allowed to establish their own trade unions. In Iraq, there are more than 100 TV channels -- about half of which operate via satellite -- but Turkmens have only one TV channel, namely Türkmeneli TV. Another problem they face is that although they have local papers, they do not have a national newspaper through which they could have their voices heard by the general public in Iraq.

Turkish and Western journalists who go to Iraq are, in general, not specialized in the topic of Iraq. They do not know problems or details. They tend to run analyses without knowing the distinction between Sunnis and Shiites or between Kurmanji or Sorani. They tend to cover groups such as Kurds and organizations that make sure their voices are heard by resorting to the use of arms. They tend to see peace-loving peoples like Turkmens as mere folkloric elements. They do not even try to understand the existing war.

About 75 percent of Iraqi people watch satellite TV channels to stay informed, while 6 percent tend to use Internet news sources. The written press does not have any weight in society. In Iraq, rife with attempts at disinformation, it is hard to say that there is a free press. For this reason, a new press law is in the making. If free and democratic press organizations cannot exist in Iraq, we cannot expect democracy to take root and territorial integrity to be secured. Turkmens represent a cornerstone for democratic order in Iraq. The place of Turkmens within the integrity of Iraq should be given greater emphasis so that future generations can live in peace. It should not be forgotten that various languages are part of the wealth of Iraq. Iraq needs peace and dialogue. Iraq no longer wants to see more bloodshed.

dimanche 5 avril 2009

The Turkmens and Kerkuk, by Dr Hassan AYDINLI (Video)


Extracts of ITF EU Representative’s speech at the EU Parliament

on 18th March 2009 in Brussels


To watch videos please click on :

http://www.youtube.com/user/BRussellsTribunal

"The situation of Turkmens in the North of Iraq", by Hassan Aydinli, oil expert.

This speech was a part of "Occupation Year 7: What future for Iraq?",
a series of events organized by The BRussells Tribunal,
and took place in the European Parliament, 18 March 2009, in Brussels.

***

"The situation of Turkmen in the North of Iraq" (part 1)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7URMgE4grNQ&feature=channel_page

"The situation of Turkmen in the North of Iraq" (part 2)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=x3A6bbRKnX8&feature=related

"The situation of Turkmen in the North of Iraq" (part 3)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nBiB94g59zM

vendredi 3 avril 2009

Türkmenlerin Dünyaya Sergiledikleri Belirsizlikler- Birinci Bölüm


Türkmenlerin Dünyaya Sergiledikleri Belirsizlikler- Birinci Bölüm
Orhan Ketene

2 Nisan 2009

İnsanlar belirsizliği sevmezler. Mesela bir mağazaya gidildiğinde fiyatı belirli eşyalar tercih edilir, fiyatsız olanlara ya bakılmaz veya en sonda bakılır.

Siyasettede durum aynıdır. Belirli olan konular kolayca anlaşılır ve hakkında karara çabuk varılır, belirsizler ise, ya daha sonra incelenmek üzere bir kenara itilir veya hepten bırakılır, çünkü insanların zihnini yorar.

Türkmenler uzun bir zaman dünyadan soyutlandılar, son 20 yıldan beri dünya, Türkmenleri hafif bir şekilde de olsa duymaya başladı. Ama çok belirsiz bir şekilde.Bu belirsizlik, dünyayı yöneten Batı ülkelerinde had safhaya varmış durumdadır. Zira onların gördüğü kadarıyla Türkmenlerin hemen hemen her şeyi belirsizdir.

Şöyle ki:

1- Türkmenlerin İngilizce adları belli değil:

Türkçe adları net bir şekilde belirli olmasına karşın (Tekil: Türkmen, Çoğul: Türkmenler). İngilizcede ise:

Tekil: Turkmen, Turkman, Turkoman, Turcoman, Trukman, Turukman, Turkuman, Torkeman....v.s. Çoğul: Turkmens, Turkmen, Turkmans, Turkomans, Turcomans, Turkomen, Turkomens, Turukmans, Turkumans......v.s.

2- Türkmenlerin şehir adlarının latince yazılışı belirsizdir:

Kerkuk, Karkuk, Kirkuk, Karkouk.

Telafer, Tel Afar, Talafar, Talla’far.

Musul, Mosul, Mousil, Mawsil.

Erbil, Arbil, Irbil.

Altun Kopru, Altun Kupri, Alton Kopru, Alton Kupri.

Tawukh, Tawuq, Tavuk, Tawoq, Daquq.

Tuz Khurmatu, Tuz Hurmatu, Toz Khurmatu, Toz Khormato.

Qara Teppe, Kara Tepe, Qara Tappa

Khaneqin, Hanekin, Khanaqeen.

Qizlarbat, Kizlarbat, Kizil Ribat, Sadiye.

Qaraghan, Karagan, Jalawla, Celevla.

3- Türkmenlerin nüfusu belirsizdir: 200.000, 400.000, 800.000, 1 milyon, 1.5 milyon, 2 milyon, 2.5 milyon, 3 milyon, 3.5 milyon, 4 milyon,....v.s. Dünya ansiklopedilerinde Türkmen nüfüsunu 200.000-3.5 milyon arası gösterirler ki bu bilgisayar çağında belirsizliğin en çarpıcı örneğidir.

4- Türkmenlerin haritası belirsizdir: Türkmenlerin Irakta yaşadığı bölge olan Türkmeneli’nin haritası konusunda, Iraktaki Türkmen yerleşim alanlarıyla, Milli Bölge birbirine karıştırılıyor. Bir görüşe göre Türkmeneli, tüm Musul bölgesidir, diğer görüşe göre Telaferden Mendeliye bir başka görüşe göre Bedreye uzanan bir çizgidir. Bu çizgi bazan kalınlaşıp, Türkmen şehirleri arasındaki Arap, Kürt ve Asuri bölgelerinide içerir. Bir başka görüşe göre Bağdat güneyindeki Kara Güllü oymağının yerleşim alanları olan Aziziye, İskenderiye bölgesinide içerir.

5- Türkmenlerin tarihi belirsizdir: bir görüşe göre: Sümerlerden gelmedirler (6000 yıl önce) başka görüşe göre: Sasan Fars imparatorluğu döneminde gelmişler ve orta Fıratta onlarca prenslikler kurmuşlar, Banuklular ve Batuklular gibi (1500+ yıl önce) Bir başka görüşe göre Emeviler bunları Basraya getirmişler (1300 yıl önce) Diğer bir görüşe göre Abbasiler (1200 yıl önce) bir başkasına göre Selçuklular döneminde gelmişler(950 yıl önce). Başkalarıda Safevilerin getirttiğini söyler. En sonuda Osmanlı 4. Murat tarafından getirtildiklerini söyler (360 yıl önce).

6- Türkmenlerin seçtiği siyasi gurup belirsizdir: Normalde, bir millet, özlemlerini yansıtan ve bu özlemleri gerçekleştirmeye çalışan siyasi bir örgütü seçer ve ona oyunu verir. Dolayısıyla bu örgüt o milletin hacmini gösterir. Ama 2003’ten bu yana yapılan seçimlerde, en büyük Türkmen siyasi kuruluşu olan ITC’ye gelen oylar hiçbir şekilde Türkmenlerin hacmini yansıtmamıştır. ITC’nin dışında bir sürü milliyetçi ve dinci partiler vardır ki ya seçimlere girmemişlerdir veya Arap partileriyle işbirliği yaparak sembolik milletvekillikleri almışlardır. Dolayısıyla, Türkmen oylarının gerçekten kimlere gittiği belirsizdir. ITC’nin bu kadar düşük oy alması hem Irakta hemde dünyada Türkmen görüntüsüne çok zarar vermektedir ve düşmanların, Türkmenlerin çok küçük bir azınlık oldukları savını desteklemektedir.

7- Türkmenlerin siyasi amacı belirsizdir: Kimisine göre Musul bölgesi olarak Türkiyeye bağlanmak, kimisine göre Iraka bağlı, eşit ortaklıklı üçlü Kuzey (Musul) federasyonunda özerk Türkmeneli hükümetini kurmak, bir diğerine göre Bağdada bağlı özerk Türkmeneli devletini kurmak. Başkasına göre üniter Irak içinde yerel hükümete sahip olmak, başkasına göre üniter Irak içinde nüfus sayısına orantılı olarak yönetimden pay almak. Bir diğeri ise millet neye karar verirse o olsun diyor. Bazısı, Kürtler ne aldıysa onu istediklerini, hele hele bazılarının amacı ise sadece Kürt düşmanlığıdır, hiç bir hak istemezler, sadece Kürt olmasın, yöneticileri ne olursa olsun diyorlar.

Bu kadar karışık ve çapraşık amaçlar sonucunda, siyasi gündem de karışık ve çelişkili oluyor. Kimisi Şii Araplara bağlanıyor, diğerleri Sünni Araplarla işbirliği içinde, bir kısmı ise dışarıdan medet bekliyor, geri kalanı ise “hele dur bir bakalım ne olur” deyip beklentiye geçiyor.

Bu kadar belirsizlikler gösteren bir toplumla kim ilgilenir ve kim uğraşır?

Türkmenler, dünyaya davalarını anlatmak ve kabul ettirmek istiyorlarsa, kendileriyle ilgili tüm konularda net ve kesin olmalılar ki karşılarındakiler onları anlasın ve tezlerini kabul etsinler.

Şurası bir gerçektir ki, belirsizlikler devam ettikçe, hem Türkmenler saygınlık kaybedecek hemde yabancılar Türkmenler hakkında bildiklerini okuyacaklar ve şimdiki kargaşa devam edecektir.Bu belirsizlikler bir an önce merçek altına alınmalı ve eldeki verilerin en doğruları seçilerek belirlenmelidirler.

Gelecek yazımızda bu belirsizliklere tek tek çözümleri yazacağız.

http://kerkukmedya.com/articles.php?action=view&id=181&page=1