Syrian Turkmens left defenseless thanks to Gülenist cruelty

İlnur Çevik

For years we have been listening to accusations that Turkey has not supported the Turkmens of Iraq and Syria. In the 1990s and early 2000s that was true because past governments as well as the incoming Justice and Development Party (AK Party) government in 2002 had no control over Iraq and it was up to the powerful Turkish military to chart and execute policies regarding Iraq in general, and northern Iraq in particular. So the military rulers of Turkey who worked behind the scenes played a game of intrigue with Iraq's Turkmens rather than helping them in earnest. They had their own Turkmens and thus created divisions among the Turkmen community in Irbil and Kirkuk. They did not leave the Turkmens to set up their own political organizations and run them independent of Ankara. On the contrary, they intervened so much so that a handful of Turkmens who were courted by Ankara receive benefits and others were alienated.

Turkey did not do its homework properly on the Turkmens of Iraq and ended up usually on the losing for the Turkmens as a whole, both Sunni and Shiite. Once the military domination of Turkey's policies regarding Iraq and the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in northern Iraq ended and the administration of then Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan gained full control on the Turkish state file of Iraq, especially after 2007 things started to change. Ankara improved its ties with Barzani, but due to past mistakes, could only make minimal headway with the Turkmens. Turkey, through the hard work of Ahmet Davutoğlu, who was then the chief advisor and trouble shooter of Erdoğan while he was prime minister, made inroads in northern Iraq, used the National Intelligence Organization (MİT) more effectively and started to get a better grasp of the situation in the region. Turkey improved ties with Sunni and Shiite Arabs and Kurdish and Turkmen tribes, especially in northern Iraq.

All this proved an asset when Turkey managed to save the employees of its Mosul consulate who were held hostage by the extremist Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS) through high diplomacy and with the help of Sunni Arab tribes. Then the crisis in Syria erupted, but by then Turkey had better knowledge of the demography of the area as well as the strong tribes that made a difference. Turkey realized that it had to help the Turkmens in Syria, but even then it was too slow to react. However, when Turkey realized the growing menace of the extremist ISIS hordes invading chunks of Syria and butchering people the country took effective countering steps to help the Turkmens. It had already made contacts with the Turkmens through MİT and decided to send equipment to them to help defend themselves both against ISIS and President Bashar Assad's forces. It was also a tactical move to counter the growing influence of the Kurdish militants in the region.

But no one in Ankara dreamed that the Gülen Movement, which by then had fallen at odds with the Erdoğan administration, would take steps that bordered on treason to halt the equipment aid through its network of prosecutors and security personnel. On January 19, 2014, prosecutors and security personnel loyal to Gülen halted the TIR trucks carrying equipment to Syrian Turkmens and tried to defame the government by spreading news that the trucks were carrying weapons for ISIS and that Erdoğan was helping the bloodthirsty ISIS militants. The personnel in the trucks were made to lie on the ground and were about to be taken into custody when local officials intervened and halted the Gülenist operation that amounted to a mini-coup.

Since then the prosecutors and security personnel who undertook this awful act are under investigation and some are in custody. But a few days ago the news was once again rehashed and presented to the public by the left-wing daily Cumhuriyet as it printed photographs of the MİT's trucks and reported that arms were hidden under boxes of medical supplies. The opposition has every right to question the aims and intentions of the government. But no one has the right to play into the hands of Turkey's enemies and moreover deny the right to innocent Turkmens to defend themselves against the ISIS hordes. That goes for the Gülen Movement and for some sections of the Turkish media. Since January 2014, Turkey has been hard-pressed in its efforts to help Syrian Turkmens because of the ongoing controversy, and therefore ISIS has been wreaking havoc in Turkmen areas. Some people deserve the medal of treason. Guess who.
http://www.dailysabah.com/columns/ilnur-cevik/2015/06/01/syrian-turkmens-left-defenseless-thanks-to-gulenist-cruelty

Syrie : La communauté turkmène prise pour cible

Syrie : La communauté turkmène prise pour cible



mercredi 5 février 2014

http://www.turquie-news.com/rubriques/international/19608-quatre-commandants-turkmenes-tues.html

Un kamikaze de l’organisation de l’Etat islamique en Irak et au Levant (EIIL) a visé la sous-préfecture Cobanbey d’Alep, en Syrie, où vit une forte population de Turkmènes.

Quatre commandants turkmènes sont décédés dans l’attaque.

L’organisation EIIL avait proposé des négociations aux turkmènes syriens qui s’apprêtaient à contre-attaquer en vue de s’emparer de la commune.

Hakem Ahmad Fayad, représentant de la Brigade Mohammad al-Fatah, avait fait la médiation entre les Turkmènes et les autorités de l’EIIL qui réclamaient certaines garanties pour leur retrait de Cobanbey.

Quatre militants de l’organisation EIIL avaient assisté à la réunion réalisée au fief de la Brigade turkmène. A cet instant, un militant de l’EIIL a fait exploser les bombes qu’il portait. Abdulmunim Kalendir Ebou Islam, commandant turkmène, Imad Diman, commandant des opérations de la Brigade Fatah ainsi que deux autres commandants ont perdu la vie lors de l’attaque.

Les forces turkmènes qui ont appris l’attaque ont suspendu quelques temps leur assaut pour s’emparer de Cobanbey.

Turkmen Demands are Key to Protecting Syria’s Territorial Integrity

Turkmen Demands are Key to Protecting Syria’s Territorial Integrity


Oytun Orhan ORSAM Middle East Specialist



One of the consequences of the single party regime that has lasted for more than four decades in Syria is that no social or ideological groups in the country have had an opportunity to organize.

The authority gap caused by the events that emerged in Syria in March 2011 made it possible for the aforesaid groups, which had been excluded from the power domain, to organize in a short period of time. One of these groups was the Syrian Turkmen.

Since they were unable to organize under the President Bashar al-Assad regime, they lacked a tradition of political opposition, a situation that changed due to the relatively recent upheaval in Syria.

Starting in March 2012, the Syria Turkmen Bloc and the Syrian Democratic Turkmen Movement began engaging in political activities on behalf of Syrian Turkmen. Those two groups differ with regard to areas of influence, ideology and Turkmen troops they are affiliated with. The Syrian Turkmen Platform, which originated in Turkey, also started to conduct activities as a non-political party initiative to take on the leadership of the Syrian Turkmen movement. Thus, there are three different “groups/political parties/power groups that are trying to assume the leadership of and to become the representative of Syrian Turkmen.

The Syria Turkmen Bloc was created as a result of efforts of Syrian Turkmen living in Turkey. The bloc is a Latakia-based movement, and it is mostly influential and active in Bayır-Bucak; the majority of its administrative body is composed of people from this area. Yusuf Molla, who has been living in Turkey for many years, has led the movement.

The bloc thinks the biggest problem of the Syrian Turkmen is that they don’t reside in a single area. They believe that a post-Assad regional federation is not possible and that Syria must be ruled according to a citizenship-based approach. The slogan of the bloc is “One Syria!” and it is working for Turkmen to have political, social, economic and cultural rights in the new Syria, living as equal Syrian citizens without any discrimination. The bloc is against the splitting up of Syria. They demand a civilized, democratic state where the central authority is protected, but local authority is reinforced. However, they want to limit the strengthening of local authority to prevent a federal system.

The bloc has a close relationship with the Turkmen soldiers in Bayır-Bucak. Some 12 Turkmen soldiers, who are active in Latakia province, are close to the Brigade of Turkmen Mountain, an umbrella organization of the aforesaid troops. In military terms, the bloc is not active in Aleppo. They can only send humanitarian aid to Aleppo. However, they strive to be active in military terms in Aleppo.

The Syria Democratic Turkmen Movement was created following the start of the uprising when Syrian Turkmen felt they needed to organize and unite. Syrian Turkmen in Turkey have also supported this group. The movement has a results-oriented approach: It carries out activities in the field. Due to its renewed administrative structure, the movement has started to a great extent to come to the fore as an Aleppo-based movement. It carries out almost all political, civilian and military activities in Aleppo.

Since the very beginning, the movement has focused its attention on establishing diplomatic relationships with Turkey and the Syrian opposition, besides establishing direct relations with the Syrian regime. Within this framework, through the efforts of the Movement, 16 Turkmen representatives were chosen to the Syrian National Council. The movement’s perspective on solving the problems of Syrian Turkmen is as follows: They believe that since Syrian Turkmen are dispersed all across the country this can be a major danger for them. Therefore, their primary objective is to maintain the unity and territorial integrity of Syria by establishing a new system based on citizenship in a new Syria. They also ask that free elections be held under the supervision of world bodies, that a new constitution in line with globally accepted standards is prepared and that all groups constituting Syrian society be provided with cultural, political and citizenship rights.

The relationship between the Movement and Turkmen soldiers is limited to Aleppo. Ali Basher, coordinator of Turkmen Brigades in Aleppo, states that they act in unison with the movement.

The Syrian Turkmen Platform was founded in 2012. The first meeting had 42 participants, and a five-person committee was formed. The first goal was to create public awareness of Syrian Turkmen around the world. It emerged as a civilian initiative. There are Syrian Turkmen within the Platform initiative that climbed the ladder of success in business and trade while living in Turkey.

The objective of this initiative is to form a delegate assembly to be elected in Syria, and for this assembly to designate a committee to speak for and represent Syrian Turkmen. What is wanted is for the aforesaid two Turkmen parties to join in a supra-political parties structure to take part in this initiative. Thus, the first meeting of the Syrian Turkmen Platform was hosted by the Turkish Foreign Ministry in İstanbul on Dec. 15, 2012, with the support of the Prime Ministry.

The platform seeks the creation of a Turkmen Assembly. It is projected to bring 350 delegates from Syria. After the election of those delegates, a nine-person committee will be formed to be the decision-making body for Syrian Turkmen. The Platform considers it to be a joint supra-parties initiative, not as a third alternative political party to the Syria Turkmen Bloc and Democratic Turkmen Movement. This decision-making body will represent Syrian Turkmen in every platform and will conduct all negotiations on behalf of Syrian Turkmen.

The Syrian Turkmen population is of a key importance not only for Turkey, but also for the democratic future of Syria. If a future Syrian regime wants to build a country where all ethnic and sectarian groups within its borders can live in peace together, then it must recognize the presence of Turkmen and provide an environment for Turkmen to be equally represented in the political field with other communities. Syrian Turkmen, who have courageously stood against authoritarian practices since the very beginning of the democratic demonstrations in Syria, are as committed as any other community to maintaining the territorial integrity of the country, and thus, the Syrian opposition should enable Turkmen to come into their own. It is critically important for both Syria and the region that Turkmen, who have suffered from the oppression of the Assad regime and human rights violations, equally take part in political and social life in the country in a new Syria with Sunni Arabs, Arab Alawites, Christians, Kurds, Druse and Shiites.

Turkmen Demands are Key to Protecting Syria’s Territorial Integrity Oytun Orhan ORSAM Middle East Specialist

Turkmen Demands are Key to Protecting Syria’s Territorial Integrity Oytun Orhan ORSAM Middle East Specialist One of the consequences of the single party regime that has lasted for more than four decades in Syria is that no social or ideological groups in the country have had an opportunity to organize. The authority gap caused by the events that emerged in Syria in March 2011 made it possible for the aforesaid groups, which had been excluded from the power domain, to organize in a short period of time. One of these groups was the Syrian Turkmen. Since they were unable to organize under the President Bashar al-Assad regime, they lacked a tradition of political opposition, a situation that changed due to the relatively recent upheaval in Syria. Starting in March 2012, the Syria Turkmen Bloc and the Syrian Democratic Turkmen Movement began engaging in political activities on behalf of Syrian Turkmen. Those two groups differ with regard to areas of influence, ideology and Turkmen troops they are affiliated with. The Syrian Turkmen Platform, which originated in Turkey, also started to conduct activities as a non-political party initiative to take on the leadership of the Syrian Turkmen movement. Thus, there are three different “groups/political parties/power groups that are trying to assume the leadership of and to become the representative of Syrian Turkmen. The Syria Turkmen Bloc was created as a result of efforts of Syrian Turkmen living in Turkey. The bloc is a Latakia-based movement, and it is mostly influential and active in Bayır-Bucak; the majority of its administrative body is composed of people from this area. Yusuf Molla, who has been living in Turkey for many years, has led the movement. The bloc thinks the biggest problem of the Syrian Turkmen is that they don’t reside in a single area. They believe that a post-Assad regional federation is not possible and that Syria must be ruled according to a citizenship-based approach. The slogan of the bloc is “One Syria!” and it is working for Turkmen to have political, social, economic and cultural rights in the new Syria, living as equal Syrian citizens without any discrimination. The bloc is against the splitting up of Syria. They demand a civilized, democratic state where the central authority is protected, but local authority is reinforced. However, they want to limit the strengthening of local authority to prevent a federal system. The bloc has a close relationship with the Turkmen soldiers in Bayır-Bucak. Some 12 Turkmen soldiers, who are active in Latakia province, are close to the Brigade of Turkmen Mountain, an umbrella organization of the aforesaid troops. In military terms, the bloc is not active in Aleppo. They can only send humanitarian aid to Aleppo. However, they strive to be active in military terms in Aleppo. The Syria Democratic Turkmen Movement was created following the start of the uprising when Syrian Turkmen felt they needed to organize and unite. Syrian Turkmen in Turkey have also supported this group. The movement has a results- oriented approach: It carries out activities in the field. Due to its renewed administrative structure, the movement has started to a great extent to come to the fore as an Aleppo-based movement. It carries out almost all political, civilian and military activities in Aleppo. Since the very beginning, the movement has focused its attention on establishing diplomatic relationships with Turkey and the Syrian opposition, besides establishing direct relations with the Syrian regime. Within this framework, through the efforts of the Movement, 16 Turkmen representatives were chosen to the Syrian National Council. The movement’s perspective on solving the problems of Syrian Turkmen is as follows: They believe that since Syrian Turkmen are dispersed all across the country  this can be a major danger for them. Therefore, their primary objective is to maintain the unity and territorial integrity of Syria by establishing a new system based on citizenship in a new Syria. They also ask that free elections be held under the supervision of world bodies, that a new constitution in line with globally accepted standards is prepared and that all groups constituting Syrian society be provided with cultural, political and citizenship rights. The relationship between the Movement and Turkmen soldiers is limited to Aleppo. Ali Basher, coordinator of Turkmen Brigades in Aleppo, states that they act in unison with the movement. The Syrian Turkmen Platform was founded in 2012. The first meeting had 42 participants, and a five-person committee was formed. The first goal was to create public awareness of Syrian Turkmen around the world. It emerged as a civilian  initiative. There are Syrian Turkmen within the Platform initiative that climbed the ladder of success in business and trade while living in Turkey. The objective of this initiative is to form a delegate assembly to be elected in Syria, and for this assembly to designate a committee to speak for and represent Syrian Turkmen. What is wanted is for the aforesaid two Turkmen parties to join in a supra-political parties structure to take part in this initiative. Thus, the first meeting of the Syrian Turkmen Platform was hosted by the Turkish Foreign Ministry in İstanbul on Dec. 15, 2012, with the support of the Prime Ministry. The platform seeks the creation of a Turkmen Assembly. It is projected to bring 350 delegates from Syria. After the election of those delegates, a nine-person committee will be formed to be the decision-making body for Syrian Turkmen. The Platform considers it to be a joint supra-parties initiative, not as a third alternative political party to the Syria Turkmen Bloc and Democratic Turkmen Movement. This decision- making body will represent Syrian Turkmen in every platform and will conduct all negotiations on behalf of Syrian Turkmen. The Syrian Turkmen population is of a key importance not only for Turkey, but also for the democratic future of Syria. If a future Syrian regime wants to build a country where all ethnic and sectarian groups within its borders can live in peace together, then it must recognize the presence of Turkmen and provide an environment for Turkmen to be equally represented in the political field with other communities. Syrian Turkmen, who have courageously stood against authoritarian  practices since the very beginning of the democratic demonstrations in Syria, are as committed as any other community to maintaining the territorial integrity of the country, and thus, the Syrian opposition should enable Turkmen to come into their own. It is critically important for both Syria and the region that Turkmen, who have suffered from the oppression of the Assad regime and human rights violations, equally take part in political and social life in the country in a new Syria with Sunni Arabs, Arab Alawites, Christians, Kurds, Druse and Shiites. http://www.orsam.org.tr/en/showArticle.aspx?ID=2193

Syrian Turkmens ask equality in opposition

ISTANBUL - Hürriyet Daily News

http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/syrian-turkmens-ask-equality-in-opposition.aspx?pageID=238&nID=36998&NewsCatID=359

Turkish PM Erdoğan (R) meets with a delegation of Syrian Turkmens in Istanbul. They ask Turkey’s help in having equal representation in the opposition. AA photo

İpek Yezdaniipek.yezdani@hurriyet.com.tr

Syrian Turkmens want equal representation with Arabs, Kurds and other groups in the main opposition body, the Syrian National Coalition, according to population-based measures, a prominent member of the Syrian Turkmen Congress said yesterday.

“Our population is around 3.5 million in Syria, which is more than Kurds. However we have only been given three seats in the Syrian National Coalition, whereas Kurds have been given nine seats. The opposition body continues with the Baath mentality that has ignored the Turkmens for decades,” Bekir Atacan told the Hürriyet Daily News yesterday.

The first congress of the Syrian Turkmen Platform took place on Dec. 15 and 16 in Istanbul. Around 1,000 Syrian Turkmens convened in Istanbul to make their voice heard by the international community. Dr. Mohamed Ceren, the coordinator of the congress said the platform aimed to unite all Syrian Turkmens under one roof. 

Turkish Parliamentary Speaker Cemil Çiçek and Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu have also attended the first day of the meeting. Davutoğlu said Turkey had supported the struggle of the Syrian people from the beginning, adding that Turkey pursued an open-door policy for Syrian people asking to cross into Turkey.

Atacan said they had passed their request to be better represented in the Syrian National Coalition on to Turkish authorities as well. “The Turkish government has been standing at an equal distance to all the opposition groups in Syria. However we believe there is an inequity toward the Turkmens here. We have shared this situation also with Turkish authorities, and we have asked them to look for our rights in order to have equal representation with the other groups in the opposition,” he said. “We want to have equal rights with the Arabs and Kurds; we are against any kind of disintegration,” Atacan said.

Identity of ‘Syrian’

The final document of the Syrian Turkmen Platform said, “Regardless of any ethnic or religious identity, a future in which everybody can be able to live commonly under the identity of ‘Syrian’ is targeted in the future of Syria.”

A delegation from the Syrian Turkmen Congress also visited the office of Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan on Dec. 15. According to an Anatolia news agency report, Erdoğan said all parties should act carefully in order to prevent an ethnic or sectarian clash in Syria. 

December/17/2012

ANALYSIS: The Route of Syria and Turkmens, Emre Kartal

Emre Kartal, Yıldırım Beyazıt University - October 14, 2012

Emre Kartal, postgraduate student at the Department of International Relations at Yıldırım Beyazıt University

Publication: Kartal, Emre (October, 2012), “The Route of Syria and Turkmens”, Vol. I, Issue 8, pp.18-19, Centre for Policy Analysis and Research on Turkey (ResearchTurkey), London, ResearchTurkey.(http://researchturkey.org/?p=1990)

Indicative Abstract : The recent events in Syria are a revolt, which is comprised of the broad historical background and a social structure that emerged out of the so-called ‘Arab Spring’. In order to understand the full extent of these events, the process of establishment of the Syrian Government, ethnic diversity and the structure of the state have to be examined.



Turkey is interested in the Syrian territory, both in terms of the border neighborhood and of the ethnic groups. Syria is a country that had been ruled for centuries by the Seljuk and Ottoman Turks. Today, it is also a border country of the Turkish Republic, with which it shares its longest border. In addition, the Kurdish problem is also of interest to Turkey, which is one of the country’s current problems, especially in terms of the Turkmen[1] population. In Syria, there are the Arab Alevis, Sunni Arabs, Kurds, Druze, Armenians and Turkmens, which can be considered as a relic inherited from the Ottoman Empire, which have had a plurality under Assad’s regime.

Seen in the light of history of Imperialism, the uncertain route of Syria for the moment is an indicator of a new ethnic based structure. However, if the massacres are taken into account, it is obvious that this process will be really bloody. In order to understand Syria’s current path, the political structure and the contemporary history of Syria have to be analyzed. The foundation of the current Syrian structure is based on the French mandate after the First World War. During the French Mandate period, for administrative purposes, France divided the country into ethnically based regions and granted them autonomy. When France desisted, it constituted an army based on these ethnic grounds. The Baath Party cadres, which rule Syria today, emerged based on the organizational principals of this army. During the independence struggle of Syria, the Arab Alevis were in power, which sowed the seeds of what is called as Ba’athism. The ‘Levant Special Force’ founded by the French in Syria was created by the Arab Alevis, the Druze, and a small group of the Sunni population living in rural areas. Searching for a common identity in this army had been the common denominator of Ba’athism.

Against this background, today, it could be claimed that the current revolt is organized and under the promotion of the Barzani Kurdish population and it has an active political aim. In the northern regions there is even a possibility of an autonomous structure. This is a process reminiscent of the Kurdish administration gaining autonomy in Iraq after the U.S. operation. The Assad regime is a matter of life and death for the Arab Alevis because the destruction of the regime would mean great difficulties for them. The Turkmens in the country are facing great difficulties as well as they had under the Assad regime. So to speak, the Turkmens, touted as ‘the descendants of the Ottoman invaders’ by the Baathist Arab nationalism, are either facing great difficulties, or they are partially assimilated. They are the target of both Assad’s attacks, and of the opponents such as the Kurdish Defense Forces (HPK) and the Democratic Union Party (PYD).

An analysis of the latest developments in Syria shows that the sides to this struggle in the country are the following: the Kurdish movement supported by Mesut Barzani, ex-political power holders who are no longer supportive of the Assad regime and who became opponents and, finally, the Sunni Arab uprising in the central region. The Arab Alevis, previously identified by the regime, may have to share their absolute power with the citizens of other ethnic origins. This may partly be due to the Arab Alevis who no longer support Assad. The most striking example for the Kurdish groups that have political demands in Syria is the Kurdish structuring in Iraq. After the U.S. invasion of Iraq, the then U.S. president George W. Bush, during a meeting with Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, had guaranteed ‘Iraq’s territorial integrity’. Along the same lines, Mesut Barzani, the leader of the autonomous administration in Northern Iraq, declared themselves in the favor of territorial integrity of Iraq. However, a closer inspection of today’s situation might show that the aforementioned administration is currently a step closer to independence.

Syria’s path is still uncertain. However, out of two possible scenarios, Assad’s overthrow is more likely. It is not possible to sustain the Assad’s regime which is massacring people and has lost its legitimacy in the world public opinion. The possible establishment of a new system will face these ethnic disparities and imperial ambitions. The imperialist experience of the French Mandate in the region and ethnic based system of the latter regime show us that the United States and some Western states are trying to apply the divide-and-conquer logic to this region. The statement by the former U.S. minister of foreign affairs on 7 August 2003 in the Washington Post that ‘the borders of the 22 countries from Morocco to China would change’ supports this claim.

To sum up, the new regime that will be established after the Assad regime’s overthrow will be based on ethnicity due to the historical experiences. Moreover, while the Turkmens will be disenfranchised, there will be a strong Kurdish structure in line with Western and international support. This will cause problems both for Turkey (in terms her struggle with the PKK) and for the Barzani administration. The assimilation of Turkmens in the region will be inevitable. The armed attacks against Turkmens in Kirkuk and other Turkmen cities will continue and massacres against the Turkmen are likely to increase. It is possible to have a structure that is dominated by Sunnis at the center. In my opinion, the activities of the Arab Alevis in the bureaucracy will continue for a while but their liquidation will take place soon.



[1] The Syrian Turkmen are an ethnic minority of Oghuz Turkish descent living in Syria (e.n.)

Syrian Turkmen Look to Turkey for Political Leverage

05/09/2012 03:25:00 By EMIKO JOZUKA

http://www.rudaw.net/english/news/turkey/5166.html

A young Turkmen refugee looks out onto Yayladag from a rented home. Photo by Emiko Jozuka/Rudaw.

ANTAKYA, Turkey -- Up until last month, Syrian Turkmen living in villages close to the Turkish border had largely managed to bypass the civil war raging in other parts of Syria.  But ever since a series of regime attacks against their villages prompted an exodus of terrified villagers into Yayladag in Antakya, they have taken on a more active role in the Syrian opposition.

In his friend's rented apartment, Muhammed Khaznadar, a displaced Turkmen teacher, ended a phone call with his brother in Syria who explained the precarious situation back home.  

“Tonight everything’s calm over in his village. Yesterday they [regime forces] fired 9 missiles though,” adds Khaznadar with a wry smile.  “You never know when and where the bombardments will fall, that’s why most people fled into Turkey.”  

As he spoke, a fellow Syrian Turkmen, Sadettin Molla bustled in.  There's no doubt that Molla is a busy man.  His phone seldom stays silent, and as chief co-ordinator at newly established Bairbucak Turkmen Society in Yayladag, he acts as a sort of uncle to the thousands of Turkmen refugees who live both in and out of refugee camps in the town.

"It’s not easy for these people to leave their villages and belongings behind, but it's definitely better to live here [in Yayladag] than there [Syria].  We're really grateful for Turkey's support, but our biggest worry is how long this situation will last and how long we'll all be able to keep living like this," explained Molla.

While Molla may have qualms about the future, he is sure that the only future back in Syria is one without President Bashar Al-Assad's regime. 

But the answer to when exactly the Syrian Turkmen became a major opposition movement is varied.  Political activists at the nearby Syrian Turkmen Bloc in Yayladag stated that they and other Turkmen had participated in peaceful demonstrations from the beginning of the uprising. 

Molla pointed out that last month's bombardments against Turkmen villages were a direct government response against villagers who were helping Syrian army defectors cross the border.  According to Khaznadar, the threat against their villages and forced migration was a key factor that pushed them towards the opposition.

Numbering between 500,000 and 1.5 million in Syria, some of the Turkmen populations scattered around Syria have managed to preserve their native Turkic language in the face of decades of Arabisation.

Their language and culture has placed them in a better position than their Arab counterparts when it comes to forging relations with the local Turkish community in Yayladag.

A sense of shared Ottoman history means that Syrian Turkmen associate themselves closely to their hosts and Turkey.  Although they harbour warm feelings towards Turkey and Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, they still retain a strong Syrian identity and hope to return to Syria as soon as the conflict is over.

Speaking on the Turkmen identity, Khaznadar said: "My people are the Turks, but my country is Syria. I'm not an Arab, I'm a Turk that's from Syria."

Despite an attachment to their Turkic identity and culture, in their struggle for a democratic Syria, the Turkmen population staunchly rejects any idea of forming an independent Turkmen state and call for a united post-Assad Syria.

Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu's meeting in August with both Iraqi and Syrian Turkmen reveals the interest that Turkey is taking in minority Turkmen groups. The ultra-nationalist MHP has taken a particular interest in forging ties with the Syrian Turkmen.

In Iraq, Turkey helped to establish the Iraqi Turkmen Front in the 1990s and supports Turkmen rights in the oil rich, ethnically mixed Kurdish, Turkmen and Arab city of Kirkuk.  As in Iraq, the Syrian Turkmen hold counterclaims to mixed Kurdish areas in Syria. 

Turkmen concerns parallel those of Turkey, especially the ambitions of the Syrian Kurds and the PKK's Syrian offshoot, the PYD, who have established control over parts of north and northwest Syria where some Turkmen live. As a result, Ankara views the Syrian Turkmen as a potentially useful ally in Syria.

According to Dr. Muhammed Sheik Molla of the Syrian Turkmen Bloc in Yayladag, the Turkmen will play an important role in post-Assad Syria. Bringing an end to Assad's regime is a top priority for Syrian Turkmen.  And in recent weeks, two armed Turkmen brigades have started operating under the umbrella of the Free Syrian Army. 

Syrian Turkmen place importance on the birth of a more democratic and united Syria before their own individual cultural rights, but they lament their lack of representation in the Syrian National Council.

Sheik Molla explained that they had hoped for some Turkish government leverage, yet so far, Turkey had not helped them push for a representative in SNC.

"Due to our Turkmen identity and Turkish roots, we wanted a level of support from Turkey.  We're working to put our representative into the Syrian National Council, but it hasn't happened yet.  At the SNC a lot of western countries and their allies pushed for their own candidates, but Turkey hasn't directly given us such support," explained Sheik Molla.

"Turkey looks at the whole of Syria with the same eyes, and it wants us to push for a representative with our own efforts and means.  Turkey doesn't want to be seen as favouring Turks," continued Sheik Molla.

Sheik Molla added that for the Turkmen the door to the world runs through Turkey, and that the Turkmen could form a useful bridge for Turkey in Syria as well.

"Turkmen know Arabic and the Arab culture.  At the same time, they possess Turkish culture and count themselves as Turks.  Syria is a key country in the Middle East and we'll provide the connection to it for Turkey."

Chairman of Turkmen Community in Syria, Yusuf Molla:"Collapse of Al-Assad's regime is a matter of time"

• 08 August 2012 15:29 (Last updated 08 August 2012 15:34)
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• Chairman of Turkmen Community in Syria, Molla: Al-Assad is losing its powers one by one, the collapse of his regime is a matter of time now.

HATAY (AA) – August 8, 2012 – Chairman of Turkmen Community in Syria, Yusuf Molla, has said, "Al-Assad is losing its powers one by one, the collapse of his regime is a matter of time now."
Riad Hijab's attendance to anti-Assad opposition was celebrated by Syrians in the camp erected for them in southern town of Yayladagi. Syrians follow all the developments in their country via televisions at the camps and they said that after Hijab's incident, Al-Assad lost big part of his power. 
Chairman of Turkmen Community in Syria, Yusuf Molla talked to AA saying that the regime in Syria is not so strong, once the regime struggles, it will crack.
Molla stated that Al-Assad's regime made an offer to Syrian Turkmens and said, "Al-Assad's government and intelligence officers want to talk and negotiate with Turkmens who fight in Latakia. They said to us "Call here autonomous Turk region and you take the control, but you state that you leave the opposition". We share this for the first time. This shows us that the end of Al-Assad is coming."
Molla continued saying that most of the commissioned officers and several civil servants left their positions and noted, "The resignation of Prime Minister Riad Hijab and two other ministers shows us that this is the end of their regime. Is there anybody left to resign? Al-Assad is losing one by one. Collapse of the regime is a matter of time. If he wants to save his life, then he should leave the country as soon as possible."
Molla added that Syrians are happy because they know that Al-Assad will be gone soon and he highlighted that Syrian community was amazed with the resignation of Hijab and his admission to opponents. 
Molla underlined that 60 percent of the Syria is under control of Free Syrian Army and pointed that the only worrying dispute is the Kurdish formation in the north of Syria.

Reporting by Erdal Turkoglu

A new Baas state is a threat to the region, Dr Hicran Kazanci

A new Baas state is a threat to the region

 Dr. Hicran Kazancı

 Iraqi Turkmen Front Turkey Representative

Yeni şafak gazetesi

AYNUR EKİZ / ANKARA

Iraqi Turkmen Front Turkey Representative Assistant Professor Doctor Hicran Kazancı interpreted the possible problems which may emerge after the Bessar Esad regime is overthrown in Syria for Yeni Şafak.

Dr.Kazancı assessed the probable future of Syria based on the experiences following the demise of the dictator in Iraq saying, "the important thing is what follows the demise of a regime ". Dr. Kazancı indicated that over 50% of the Syrian people viewed the regime as hostile and qualified the Nusayri Esed regime as "a power which does not recognize the right to life those of another ethnic sect than themselves”.

Dr.Kazancı indicated that the ‘new Baas state’ to be purportedly established in the western part of Syria between Lazkiye and Tartus after the Beşşar Esed regime is ousted will be problematic for the international community and said: "this state is in possession of chemical weapons and intercontinental ballistic missiles. The armed forces have linked their fate with that of the regime. Tomorrow if the regime falls the armed forces shall be held responsible for all the incidents. As their fates are intertwined when such a state is established it becomes a threat to the whole region. That is why the international community will not allow this to happen."

THE WEST IS APPREHENSIVE ON ACCOUNT OF ISRAEL

Dr.Kazancı said that although the Syrian insurgents had light weapons and Esed’s armed forces was destitute, he pointed out that if the Free Syrian Army had heavy weapons the resolution process would gain momentum. Dr.Kazancı said that the West was concerned that any dispatched weapons could fall into the hands of extremist groups which could be a threat to Israel after the regime is ousted.

There are 3 million Turkmen

Although there are no definite figures, Dr.Kazancı indicates that there are around 3 million Turkmen in Syria who are distributed almost all over the country. Dr.Kazancı said that Syria had replaced the Turkmen in areas close to the border with Turkey with citizens of Kurdish origin saying the Esed regime turned a blind eye on the PKK terror organization. Dr.Kazancı said that it appeared to be a major dilemma that while the Syrian elements involved in the PKK terror organization would not give even identity cards to citizens of Kurdish origin in their own country they claimed that they were defending the rights of Kurdish citizens in Turkey.

TURKMEN IN THE OPPOSITION

Dr. Kazancı stated that it was a positive fact that the Turkmen in Syria were among the opposition and said, "If you are not with the opposition then you will not be included in the power structure of the future. We experienced the same thing in Iraq".

Together for a millenium

Iraqi Turkmen Front Turkey Representative Hicran Kazancı said that the good relations between Turkey and the Northern Iraq Regional Administration in the recent past had a positive effect for the Turkmen. Dr.Kazancı mentioned that the Ottomans had been a uniting factor in the region and said, "in any case we have lived together for a thousand years ". Dr.Kazancı was supportive of the efforts of Turkey to open a consulate general in Arbil saying, "it will be to our benefit. There are close to 300 Turkish companies in Northern Iraq.

Northern Iraq survives with the investments made by Turkey”.

Dr.Kazancı noted that Turkey was administering a very wise policy in the region adding, "If Esed had listened to the advice of Prime Minister Erdoğan regarding 'elections' everything would have been very different".

SYRIAN TURKMEN, Hasan Kanbolat

Syrian Turkmen

Hasan Kanbolat, ORSAM Director

When the Arab Spring leapt into Syria in March 2011, it caused social dynamics that had been covered up for a long time to really start emerging. One of these dynamics concerns the Syrian Turkmen, a group that is especially significant for Turkey, as they are a related society. Syrian Turkmen are trying to distinguish themselves these days as a group that will be an influential actor in whatever new political structures emerge in Syria. But the fact that they have not been organized for years and years, and that they live separated and broken off from Turkey, means that they face the risks of not only losing their language, but their identity as well. There are around 1.5 million Turkmen who speak a Turkic language living in Syria today, and about 2 million more who have forgotten their native tongue. When one considers the heterogeneous character of Syria’s social fabric, these numbers are quite significant, especially when you think about their potential effect on national politics. The Turkmen who have forgotten their original language live quite aware of their identities, but have also embraced and become one with the language and culture of the region in which they live. Those Turkmen who tend to live in smaller social groups have largely become Arab, culturally speaking. Most Syrian Turkmen are members of the Sunni Hanefi sect. There are very few who are Alevi. Linguistically, the language spoken by Syrian Turkmen is very close to Turkey’s Turkish. Most Syrian Turkmen live in Lazkiye (these are the Bayır-Bucak Turkmen), Humus, Hama, Halepo and outside of Damascus. There are also the Golan Turkmen, who used to live in and around Kuneytra. Because of the Israeli invasion, this group had to spread all over the country. There are also very limited numbers of Syrian Turkmen living in and around Tartus, Rakka, Idlib and Dera. Though there have been fluctuations from time to time, in general, there has never really been any consistent  sense of political nationalism among the Syrian Turkmen. There is, on the other hand, a reactionary and cultural sense of nationalism among them. The strict structure of the Syrian system has generally prevented any politicization of Turkmen movements. Despite this, this most recent uprisings in Syria have also seen a rising Turkmen nationalist movement. They appear to be not only trying to obtain their own rights, but also discover where their identities lie within the framework of Syria, as well as prove their very existence to the rest of society. The national uprising in Syria provides an important opportunity for Syrian Turkmen. If the move towards a revolution in Syria turns out to be successful, a civil democratic system may emerge. In such an atmosphere, the greatest expectation of Syrian Turkmen is to be counted in a new constitution as one of the important groups making up Syrian society. In addition to this, other expectations include things like political and constitutional reforms, a transition to a multi-party system, the inclusion of Turkmen in the process of producing a new constitution and recognition of Turkmen as an official language in regions where there are heavy Turkmen populations. Turkmen are present in some of the opposition movements in Syria these days. Since March 2011 there have been many Turkmen who have lost their lives in the clashes that have marked all of Syria. There are also hundreds of Turkmen who have either disappeared or been arrested. The Turkmen do expect that Turkey will help bring the world’s attention to not only Syria, but their community within Syria. As such, they do want to see support expressed for the protection of their identity and rights within the framework of any new state system that we see emerge in Syria.

19 March 2012

Syrian Turkmens in Istanbul (video)

Syrian Turkmens form new opposition front

ISTANBUL - Hürriyet Daily News

Syrian Turkmens announce the formation of a new movement titled ‘the Syrian Democratic Turkmen Movement’ at a press conference in Istanbul. DAILY NEWS photo, Emrah GÜREL


İpek Yezdani

ipek.yezdani@hurriyet.com.tr


Syria’s Turkmens have created a new opposition front, the Syrian Democratic Turkmen Movement, with the support of Turkish nationalist groups in Istanbul amid plans by the Syrian National Council to also meet next week in Istanbul to bring other dissident groups under its umbrella.


“Even though there are 3.5 million Turkmens in Syria, no one has paid attention to our rights. We plan to cooperate with all the various actors of the Syrian opposition to achieve a democratic and civilized Syria, and to take an active role in Syrian politics,” said the leader of the Syrian Democratic Turkmen Movement, Abdulkerim Ağa. The leader of the Islamist Great Unity Party (BBP), Mustafa Destici, as well as representatives of the Iraqi Turkmen front and the “Ülkü Ocakları” (Idealist Hearths), the “Gray Wolf” branch of the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), also attended the meeting in support of the Syrian Turkmens.


The Syrian National Council is set to meet next week in Istanbul with other Syrian opposition groups with the aim of integrating them into the council ahead of the Friends of Syria meeting April 1 in Istanbul. The group’s Turkey representative, Khaled Khoja, said the national council would be inviting all the other Syrian opposition groups to the meeting in order to unite them under one roof.

March/22/2012

Arap Baas Partisi Diktatörü Suriye Türkmenlerine yeni bir katliam düzenledi

Arap Baas Partisi Diktatörü



Suriye Türkmenlerine yeni bir katliam düzenledi


Yazam: Sadun KÖPRÜLÜ



Uzun yıllardan beri Suriye Türkmenleri Arap Baas partisi yönetimi diktatör Hafız

Esad Tarafından her türlü baskılara, asimilasyon politikasıyla yok olmaya doğru acı durumları yaşayarak, binlerce Suriyeli Türkmenler işkence, baskı altında şehit düşerek, günümüz kanlı rejimin oğlu Beşar Hafız Esat yönetimi 3500 Milyon Suriye Türkmenlerine karşı babasının her türlü acımasız işkenceyle asimilasyon politikasını sürdürmeye çalışarak, Araplaştırma politikası, asimile yöntemini uygulayarak, çok sayıda Suriye Türkmenleri işkence altında şehit olarak binlerce Türkmenler dikta rejimin uzun yıllardan hapishanesinde yaşamaktadır

ve ön binlerce Suriyeli Türkmenler kendi ana dillerini unutarak Araplaşmışlardır



Suriye Türkmen soydaşlarımız Arap Baas Partisi tarafından her türlü haksızlığa maruz kalmakla, anayasal, kültürel haklarından uzun yıllardan beri günümüze kadar yoksun kalmışlardır, ana dillerinde okumak eğitim görmek, kitap, gazete, dergi yayınlamak yanında, Türkçe bir Televizyon radyo evi, dernek, örgüt kurmak, İnternet site alanında her bir çalışmaları yasaklanmıştır.



Uzun yıllar Suriye’ni yöneten Arap Baas partisi diktatörü Hafız Esad iktidarı bırakmadan ölümünden sonra Arap Baas partisini kıyıcı rejimin oğlu Beşar Esad yürütmektedir.





Türkmenlere karşı tüm baskı asimilasyon politikasını yöneterek, acımasız yüzlerce Türkmenleri idam ederek, uzun yıllar hapishaneye atmıştır,

Bu günlerde dikta rejim Devlet Başkanı Beşar Esad’ın aldığı tüm önlemlere rağmen, Artık milletimize baskı soykırım Düzenleyen diktatörler biran önce yok olmalıdır, düşmelidir.



Beşar Esad’in cezalandırılmasına engel olan İran, Rusya komünist sosyalist rejimler

Şehit kanlarının hesabını bir gün vereceklerdir.

Artık Saddam rejiminin düştüğü gibi Esad rejimi gibi rejimlerde düşmelidir.



Hiçbir hakları olmayan Suriye Türkmenlerin tüm hakları verilerek, zorlukla kanla, canla birden alınmalıdır.



iki gün süren Hafız Rejimi acımadan Türkmen köylerinde Türkmenlere yönelik uygulamış olduğu kanlı katliamda yüzlerce Türkmen şehit olmuştur.

Çok sayıda yaralılar olmuştur.



Dünya birden bu kıyıcı eylemlere katliama sessiz kalmaktadırlar.

Nerde bu insan hakları didikler? Nerde BM Af örgütü? nerde Lahey mahkemesi, nerde Amerika, Avrupa devletleri? Nerede Türkiye, Türk Cumhuriyetleri? Bu katliama sesiz kalmamaları gerekmektedir soydaşlarımız şehit oluyor, idam oluyor, bizinde sesimiz bile çıkmadan, yerimizden bile kımıldamıyoruz Nerde Dünya

Kamuyu? Nerde Türk medyası?

Bu gün Suriye’de yeni katliamda şehit olan Türkmenlerin sayıları yüz binlerce olarak, birçok Suriyeli Türkmenlerde yönetim tarafından kayıp olarak izleri bile bulunmamaktandı, Suriye diktatörü Türkmenlere karşı 1982 yıllarında Hama Türkmenleri Hafız Esad döneminde de on binlerce şehitler vermiştir.



Bugün Suriye’de yaşayan Türkmenlerin durumuna Irak Saddam döneminden hiçbir farkı olmadan acılar, baskılar, işkenceler sürmektedir.



Suriyeli kardeşlerimiz canlarını, kanlarını vererek şehit düşerek, topraklarını, ana yurtlarını Dillerini korumaya sahipsiz olarak

Türkiye’nin ve Türk dünyasının politikasının dış Türklere karşı olması ve onlara destek vererek hakları savunma yanında canlarını dikta Baas Rejiminden korumaları gerekmektedir, ve kendimizden, dilimizden, varlığımızdan, kanımızdan, canımızdan olan tüm dünya Türklerinin yanlarında olarak onlara sahip çıkmak, destek, moral vermeliyiz onları savunmak, en kutsal görevimizdir çünkü Türklük ile yaşamak ölmek bizler için kutsaldır, çok önemlidir.



İki gün süren Suriye Türkmenlerine karşı katliamda

Dikta rejime karşı protestoların 8 ayı aşkın sürmesiyle birçok Suriyeli Türkmenlerin yaşadığı bölgelerde, köylerde katliam sürmektedir rejime bağlı güvenlik güçlerinin ateş açması sonucu yüzlerce Türkmen şehit düşerek Humus'ta 19 Şam'ın Hareste bölgesinde çok sayıda şehit düşerek Humus’un Hule ilçesinde ve Tıllıf Türkmen köyünde şehit olan Türkmenlerden

1-Mahmut Muhammet Yasin,

2-Muflih Cesim Kasım 3-Halit Kasım, 4-Salah Kasım, 5-Ahmet Halit Hasan,

6-Süleyman Ali Meştan,

7-Muhammet Cuma Karamusa,

8-Mülham Emin Iğır,

9-Vesil Meşten,

10-Ahmet Meşten.

11- Ahmet Kasım Hataylı Semih

12- Ahmet Küçük

13-Abdurrahman

Mahmut Cansız

14-Mehmet İzmirli

15-Zeynel Abdın Hatip

16-Nur Mahmut Read

17-Haç Abulilah Şeyh Maruf şahap

18-Mehmet Şahap

19-Velid İbrahim

Abdülkerim 20-İbrahim İsmail

21-Sümer Huri

22-Mehmet Derviş annesi Resmiye ile birlikte

23-Ahmet Mardinli

24-Yahya Mardinli

25-hasan Antepli

Bunun yanında

Şam Üniversitesi Edebiyat ve Tıp Fakültesinden 12 Türkmen öğrencisi tutuklanmıştır. İnsan Hakları Gözlemcileri vermiş oldukları demeçlere göre günümüze kadar 2 bin 701'i sivil, 880'i güvenlik güçlerinden olarak Suriye genelinde toplam 3 bin 581 kişi yaşamını yitirmiştir.

Ayrıca 53 Türkmen Suriye’nin başka bölgelerinde şehit olmuştur.

Ve çok sayıda Türkmenler Humus Baba Amru Mahallesinde şehit olmuştur.



Şehitlerimize Allah’tan Cennet Rahmet dileriz, yaralarımıza şifa niyaz ederek Türk milletimizin başı sağ olsun.

" FOTOĞRAFLARLA SURİYE'DE UNUTULAN TÜRKLER" Suriyeli Türkler

(Türkmen Mahallesi Hülluk'ta üç kuşak bir arada yaşayan Küçük ailesi)



" FOTOĞRAFLARLA SURİYE'DE UNUTULAN TÜRKLER"

Suriyeli Türkler



Osmanlı döneminde hac yolunu korumak üzere Suriye’ye yerleştirilen Türkler, bugün ana dillerini unutmak üzere. Şam, Humus, Lazkiye ve Halep’te kenar mahallelere yerleşen Türkmenler hem ekonomik hem de kültürel bakımdan zayıflar. Bilek gücüyle çalışıyor ve önemli mevkilere gelemiyorlar. En büyük üzüntüleri Türkiye’nin onları unutması. “Türkiye neden kültür merkezleri açmıyor?” diyen de var, “Bizden vize istemeyin.” diyen de…


Adı Türkiye. Suriye’de yaşayan 1,5 milyon Türkmen’den biri. Ülkenin kuzeyindeki Humus’un merkez köylerinden Kızhıl’da yaşıyor. Ona “Türkiye” adını veren babası oğluna da “Türkî” demiş. Şimdi 70’li yaşlarını süren ve tek kelime Türkçe bilmeyen bu kadın, Kızhıl’ın geniş avlularından birinde akşam serinliğiyle büyüyen halkaya dâhil oluyor. Komşular, akrabalar, arkadaşlar, üç-beş kelime Türkçe konuşanlar ya da Türkiye Türkçesi neye benziyor bilmek isteyenler; İstanbul’dan gelmiş konuklara dikkat kesiliyor. Sohbet yarı Arapça yarı Türkçe, devrik cümlelerle kırık dökük ilerliyor. Arada kapı açılıyor, “biraz Türkçe bilen” biri daha kendini sınamak üzere meclise katılıyor. Hiç konuşamayanlar, gülüşmeler eşliğinde bir odaya kapatılıyor. Evin oğlu Abdülaziz, yüzünde muzip bir gülümseme, elinde anahtarla çıkageliyor: “Türkçe öğrenene kadar odada kalacak.” Bu köy evinde toplanan kalabalık, hayat biçimleri, ilgileri, merakları, sorunları ve ‘iki adım’ uzaklıktaki Türkiye’ye ilişkin görüşleriyle yüzlerce yıldır Suriye’de yaşayan Türklerin bir numunesi aslında… Ancak, şehirden şehire hatta köyden köye, Türkiye sınırından uzaklığa, Hatay, Adana, Antep’teki akrabaları ziyaret sıklığına, Araplarla içli dışlı olmaya ve eğitime bağlı ufak değişiklikler yok değil.

Continued,  see: http://www.turkmensitesi.com/suriye_turkmenleri.html