Shehzade Mosque (Istanbul)

Details of Shehzade Mosque

built by the great architect Sinan

(photos taken during my last visit to Istanbul)

Click on photos to enlarge

Muslim Architecture under Ottoman Patronage 1926-1924
see:
http://www.muslimheritage.com/uploads/OttomanArchitecture.pdf

The Launch of the Iraq Mental Health Survey

Press, UN and Iraqi Officials during Launch of IMHS 2006/07 (UN/Ali Abdul-Jalil)

The First of its Kind: The Launch of the Iraq Mental Health Survey 2006/07

By Randa Jamal

The first of its kind, the Iraq Mental Health Survey (IMHS 2006/07) surveyed 4332 Iraqis over eighteen years of age, across the country’s various governorates and social sectors. Launched on 7 March 2009, the study was conducted throughout by the Iraqi Ministries of Health and Planning in a joint effort with the World Health Organization (WHO).

Logo of IMHS 2006/07: designed by Ms. Ruba Hikmat, WHO

The survey reveals that out of the 16.5% who suffered from a mental health disorder during their lifetime, only 2.2% were recipients of medical care. Alarmingly, anxiety and behavioral disorders are higher among women than men, who have a higher rate of substance abuse. Parliament Representative Member, Ms. Samira Al-Musawi, who chairs The Women, Family and Childhood Committee was not surprised by the higher occurrence of anxiety and behavioral disorders among women. She observed, “Women have lived through very difficult conditions, including having to carry the brunt of caring for the family, making ends meet and raising children—at times completely on their own, especially since there is a high number of widows”.

On a more optimistic note, the prevalence of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) was 3.6% lower than expected of a war-ridden country and lower than for other countries such as UK, the US, and Brazil. The Iraq WHO Representative, Dr. Naima Al Gaseer attributed this lower rate to the widespread resilience possessed by Iraqis in handling trauma and in moving forward with their lives. However, a higher level of mental health symptoms was reported such as increased phobia and anxiety.

Mental health disorder rates in general could be much higher, but as the Health Minister, Dr. Saleh Al Hasnawi, pointed out “In Iraq there is a considerable stigma attached to having a mental illness”. Such stigma may prevent survey respondents from responding honestly. To address stigma, he added, “We must implement large-scale community education programmes to decrease this stigma and encourage people to come forward to seek the treatment they need”. He emphasized that improving mental health will be a top priority within the domain of health, considering the emotional distress many experience. He also stressed the need for further research to better comprehend the coping strategies Iraqis use to deal with stress and conflict, but emphasized that it is most important “to achieve the stability that will allow all to live peacefully and without fear”.

In addition to prioritizing mental health services, the survey provides insight about the prevalence of mental health disorders in various governorates and regions, across educational levels, social classes, urban and rural environments. This was an important accomplishment, because, as the Minister of Health of the Kurdistan region, Dr. Abdul Rahman Othman Younis, said, “It is important to customize mental health care to serve the needs of the different sectors of the population. The survey has been useful in pointing out these differences.”Dr. Al Gaseer, attributed the success of the survey to three factors:
1) insight into the status of mental health in Iraq;
2) the ability to design health programmes for various targeted groups; and
3) the transfer of knowledge and skills to health professionals working on the ground in conducting such national surveys in Iraq.However, a phenomenon that could impede addressing some of the challenges identified by the survey is the number of the social workers and psychiatrists in Iraq.

For example, Dr. Abdul-Monaf Al-Jadiry, Professor and Chairman of Psychiatry at the University of Jordan, confirms that the survey report of 2006 estimates that the number of “mental health personnel in Iraq is 136 psychiatrists, 224 psychiatric nurses, 46 social worker and 31 psychologists”.

Since 2006, the professor speculates there has been an increase of 40% in mental health personnel (a total of 612 health workers). However, Dr. Al Gaseer stressed that 40% is too high: WHO recommends assessing the number of health professionals and personnel delivering health services in the county.

However, for a population over 27 million, the number of health personnel seems insufficient to meet the mental health needs of an entire population. For example, the survey identified that 16.5% face a mental illness—that translates into millions of people who require mental health care. Clearly, challenges lie ahead with much work needed to improve the country’s fragile infrastructure, especially since resources are minimal and the Government of Iraq has made severe cuts in its annual budget plans. Challenges include providing mental health services to children and adolescents now, to prevent the development of mental disorders into adulthood, and addressing the deeply rooted stigma of mental illness that prevails in several societies.

Another challenge concerns the brain drain phenomenon that has had severe negative ramifications for Iraq and the need to persuade Iraqi professionals residing abroad to return to Iraq. Yet, despite all that is unfolding in their country, Iraqis move forward with resilience and determination: this is imperative to the survival of a people who have experienced horrendous events and circumstances.

Turkmens mark the 14th anniversary of the foundation of ITF

Turkmens all over Iraq celebrated the 14th anniversary of the establishment of the Iraqi Turkmen Front. It was on 24th April 1995 that several Turkmen parties and associations formed the Iraqi Turkmen Front.

Celebrations took place in Kerkuk where Turkmens from other parts of Iraq gathered to mark this special day. Turkmens in other Turkmen cities and towns also held celebrations in Iraqi Turkmen front centres.

These celebrations coincided with the reopening of the Iraqi Turkmen Front headquarters in Kerkuk which were demolished by Kurdish violent protesters in June 2008.

Trapped by Violence: Women in Iraq

Women and girls in Iraq are suffering from systematic violence and a sustained assault on their human rights. In addition to being victims of the bombings and other attacks that put so many Iraqis in danger every day, they are also being targeted specifically because of their gender.

Practical Information RSVP : infobrussels@theirc.org

The International Rescue Committee and Amnesty International have the pleasure to invite you to an afternoon of discussion and films.

Trapped by Violence: Women in Iraq
Debate and films
May 8, 2009 1:30 pm - 5.30 pm
Amazone 10 - 14 rue du Méridien, Brussels

Panel
· Jennifer Abrahamson, Regional Media Coordinator, Oxfam
· Medina Haeri, Assistant Advisor on Women and War, International Committee of the Red Cross
· Carsten Jurgensen, Researcher Middle East and North Africa Program, Amnesty International
· Moderated by Shannon Meehan, Director of Advocacy and Policy, International Rescue Committee

Two films will be featured after the panel:

Letters of Hope by Taher Alwan

From Fast Death To Slow Death by Vluchtelingenwerk Vlaanderen

International Seeds Day - April 26

Welcome to INEAS
INEAS is an independent, tax-exempt, educational and cultural organization with the mission to
educate the public and inform the media on issues related to Africa and Asia
with focus on Arab and Islamic worlds and the non-Arab Middle East.
http://www.ineas.org/

International Seeds Day (ISD)
April 26
To learn more about ISD click here: http://www.INEAS.org/events.htm

International Seeds Day (ISD) Library

Dr. Vandana Shiva to Iraqi Farmers and Women

Interview with Wafaa' Al-Natheema (in Dutch)

Order 81 and the Plunder of Farming

Stop the Rape of Iraqi Heritage (in Arabic)

Stop the Rape of Iraqi Heritage (in English)

The Maui News on International Seeds Day

International Seeds Day & Order 81 (in Arabic)

International Seeds Day (ISD)

Third Iraqi-Turkmen Media Council Speech

Pacifying Iraqis with Capitalism

Declaration on GMOs in Kenya

Monsanto vs. Normal Seeds

Turkish President Says Obama Should Also See Turkish Pains of 1915

Sunday, 26 April 2009

Turkish President Abdullah Gul said that the US President Obama should have shared the 1915 Turkish agonies as well in his 24 April Armenian message."Hundred thousand of Turkish and Muslims died in 1915. All who lost their lives should be remembered and all sides' pain should be remembered" Turkish President added.

Turkish President Gul further said that there are many parts in Obama's speech which he does not share: "There are many parts in the speech that it is impossible to agree with. The pain of all victims of 1915 events should be remembered. Politicians and statesmen cannot decide on history events."Abdullah Gul said "now we should look at the future. We should allow diplomacy. All the efforts made till now are for the good for the entire region. I am happy with that all the regional states support these efforts."

More than 520.000 Muslim Ottoman civilian citizens were massacred by the armed Armenian ultra-nationalists in 1915 in order to establish an independent Armenian state over Ottoman territories. Armenians with Russians occupied a huge part of Anatolia for a while. Armenians name 1915 Riot and Istanbul Government's Relocation Policy as genocide.

Turkey has never accepted the accusation and blamed the Armenian seperatism for the communal clashes between both sides.

* OBAMA IS AN ARMENIAN LOVER AND SUPPORTER

Dr. Nilgun Gulcan, Turkish political scientist argued "Obama's speech is full of Armenian arguments". "He is champion of the Armenian thesis: He is not a moderator between two sides. He openly supports Armenians. His speech is full of mistakes and Armenian accusations" she added.

Similarly Dr. Sedat laciner, head of the Ankara-based International Strategic Research Organization (USAK) claimed Obama's pro-Armenian approach will undermine Turkish-American partnership. He also said "Obama's pro-Armenian stance in Caucasus is not rational and does not help American interests. Armenia is in the Russian camp while Turkey, Georgia and Azerbaijan are pro-Western countries. US' insistence of pro-Armenian policies in the Caucasus harms pro-Western Caucasus alliance".

http://www.turkishweekly.net/news/74221/turkish-president-says-obama-should-also-see-turkish-pains-of-1915.html
Turkish Weekly is an USAK Publication.
USAK is the leading Ankara based Turkish think-tank.
www.usak.org.tr
www.turkishweekly.net
www.usakgundem.com

ITC, Kuruluşunun 14. Yıldönümünü Kerkük'te Düzenlenen Törenle Kutladı

ITC, Kuruluşunun 14. Yıldönümünü Kerkük'te Düzenlenen Törenle Kutladı


26 Nisan 2009, Pazar.


Irak Türkmen Cephesi(ITC)'nin 14. kuruluş yıldönümü, Irak'ın kuzeyindeki Kerkük kentinde düzenlenen törenle kutlandı. Kutlama etkinlikleri çerçevesinde geçtiğimiz yıl uğradığı saldırıdan sonra tamirat geçiren ITC Başkanlık binası da tekrar hizmete açıldı.

Kerkük Bağdatyolu üzerinde bulunan ITC başkanlık binasında gerçekleştirilen törene ITC Başkanı Sadettin Ergeç, Kerkük Polis Müdürü Turhan Abdurrahman, Havice Bölgesi Arap Meclis Başkanı Ali Hüseyin Salih ile Kürt ve Arap temsilcilerinin yanında çok sayıda davetli katıldı.
Temmuz 2008'de Kerkük'te bir gösteri sırasında meydana gelen patlama nedeniyle başlayan olaylar sonrası ITC Başkanlık binasına saldırı gerçekleşmiş ve bina kısmen kullanılamaz hala gelmişti. Bu nedenle başlatılan onarım çalışmaları ITC'nin 14. kuruluş yıldönümüne denk getirilerek törenle açıldı. Açılış kurdelesi ITC Başkanı Sadettin Ergeç tarafından kesildikten sonra davetlilerle bina gezdirildi.

Başkanlık binasının tekrar hizmete alışmasından duydukları sevincini belirten ITC Kerkük Temsilcisi Erşad Salihi, milletimize yakışır binanın artık hizmete geçtiğini söyledi. El ele verildiği zaman Türkmenlerin varlığının devam edeceğini de ifade eden Salihi, "Türkmenler olarak Kerkük'ün özel bir statüye kavuşmasını istiyoruz. Tek bir yönetim olmalı. Kürt, Arap ve Türkmenler kenti birlikte idare etmeli. Kerkük'ün istikrar ve güveni Irak'ın istikrar ve güveni demektir."

Havice Bölgesi Arap Meclis Başkanı Ali Hüseyin Salih, bu anlamlı gönde Türkmenlere destek olmak amacıyla burada olduklarına dikkat çekti. Salih, kentte etnik ayırım yapmanın kimseye yarar getirmeyeceğini ifade ederek kentte yaşayan herkesin eşit olduğunu ifade etti.
(CHA)

اليوم العالمي للبذور

اليوم العالمي للبذور
يوم السادس والعشرين 26 من نيسان /إبريل
يوم البذور غير المحتكرة والتنوع الزراعي
وحقوق المزارعين والتصدي للقانون 81 الجائر


لعمل لقاء صحفي ، الرجاء الإتصال ب :ا

وفاء النظيمة
كيمبردج - الولايات الأمريكية)ا) INEAS_1994@yahoo.com

16178646327

فراس إبراهيم
firas@mosul-a.org

كمبريدج ، ماساتشوستس -- أيدت المنظمات وأعداد من الناشطين والمزارعين والمدافعين عن الأغذية العضوية اليوم العالمي للبذور في السادس والعشرين (26) من نيسان

الغرض من تنظيم هذا اليوم هو تثقيف الجمهور وإطلاع وسائل الإعلام على :ا

القانون 81 وتأثيره السلبي على مستقبل الزراعة في العراق -أ
ب- كيفية مقاومة جبروت الشركات الزراعية العالمية من السيطرة على موارد البذور والزراعة

ج- أهمية التنوع البيولوجي وكيفية ممارسة إدخار البذور
د - مخاطر الأغذية المحرفة وراثيا وما تعني البذور المسجلة

لنعمل سوية على تثقيف المجتمع والدعوة الى البذور الخالية من الإحتكار والدفاع عن حقوق المزارعين ، والحشد لتحدي ومقاومة الشركات الزراعية العملاقة الإحتكارية والقانون 81 :
http://www.INEAS.org/events.htm

تاريخيا ، يمنع الدستور العراقي ملكية الموارد البيولوجية ‘ كما أن حفظ وتوفير البذور لدى المزارعين يحدث بطريقة حرة غير تنظيمية وغير رسمية . كان إدخار بذور الحقول وحرية تبادل المواد الزراعية بين المزارعين ولفترة طويلة أساسا للممارسات الزراعية في العراق. ولكن كل هذا تغير ؛ ففي يوم 26 أبريل 2004 ، أصدر بول بريمر، مدير سلطة التحالف المؤقتة ، الأمر 81 ، الذي يمنع المزارعين من إعادة استعمال البذور المحصودة من أصناف جديدة مسجلة وفقا لهذا القانون. عندما تعلن ملكية المحصول يصبح إدخار بذوره ممنوعا ومعه يستوجب على الفلاحين دفع حقوق الملكية للشركات الإحتكارية التي تدعي امتلاك البذور

القانون الجائر واللاعادل يتحتم علينا عصيانه"ا"
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=I-B1yU278zk

هذا القانون هو نتاج برنامج المعونة الأمريكية في العراق ، والذي يؤكد أن برامج المساعدات الخارجية هي أساسا صفقات تجارية مصممة لمصلحة الشركات في الولايات الأمريكية وأوروبا. وهي تتلاءم تماما مع الرؤية الأميركية لمستقبل العراق الزراعي التابع لنظام يعتمد على منتوجات كيميائية وبذور مباعة من قبل الشركات الكبرى . الغرض من الأمر 81 هو تيسير إنشاء سوق جديد للبذور في العراق يحتكره شركات غير وطنية ، والذي معه يجبرالمزارعين العراقيين على شراء البذور سنويا ، بما فيها المحرفة وراثيا
منح القانون الشركات الاميركية السيطرة الكاملة على البذور العراقية لمدة 20 عاما. فرض على المزارعين العراقيين توقيع اتفاق يستوجب دفع "رسم التكنولوجيا" بالإضافة إلى رسم الترخيص السنوي. جعل بند حماية أصناف النباتات (PVP) توفير البذور وإعادة استخدامها غير شرعي ، فضلا عن أن زراعة البذور "المشابهة" للبذور المحتكرة من قبل هذه الشركات يؤدي الى العقاب بالغرامة والسجن. تريد شركات الزراعة الإحتكارية تعميم نفس القوانين في كل مكان ، بما فيها الولايات الأمريكية. وهذا من شأنه أن يعرض مستقبل الزراعة العضوية والمستقلة الى الخطر

تعاني الكثير من البلدان النامية في أفريقيا وآسيا كما في أفغانستان والهند والعراق من هذه القوانين الظالمة واحتكار الشركات الزراعية العملاقة . ولهذا فالمنظمات العالمية والنشطاء والمدافعين عن الأغذية العضوية ، وأصحاب المزارع والمزارعين في جميع أنحاء العالم ينادون بالدعوة إلى البذورغير المسجلة والتنوع البيولوجي والتوعية حول الممارسات الإجرامية التي ترتكبها الشركات الزراعية العالمية وكيف ستؤثر هذه القوانين الظالمة على مستقبل الزراعة

Les espions de l'or noir, par Gilles Munier

NOUVEAU LIVRE

Les espions de l’or noir, par Gilles Munier (Ed. Koutoubia)

Dédicace : le mercredi 29 avril, à 19 heures

Galerie Arcima : 161, rue St Jacques, à Paris (métro : Luxembourg)


22 avril 2009



Le pétrole, « maître du monde » ? Oui, mais comment en est-on arrivé là ? Des rivalités pour contrôler la route des Indes à l’émergence des Etats-Unis comme puissance mondiale, les pays anglo-saxons ont su étendre leur influence en Asie centrale, dans le Caucase et au Proche-Orient, avec, au final, leur mainmise sur les principales ressources pétrolières mondiales.

Gilles Munier remonte aux origines du Grand jeu et de la fièvre du pétrole pour raconter la saga des espions de l’or noir et la malédiction qui s’est abattue sur les peuples détenteurs de ces richesses. Il brosse les portraits des agents secrets de Napoléon 1er et de l’Intelligence Service, du Kaiser Guillaume II et d’Adolphe Hitler, des irréguliers du groupe Stern et du Shay – ancêtres du Mossad – ou de la CIA, dont les activités ont précédé ou accompagné les grands bains de sang du 19ème et du début du 20ème siècle.

Parmi d’autres, on croise les incontournables T.E Lawrence dit d’Arabie, Gertrude Bell, St John Philby et Kermit Roosevelt, mais aussi des personnages moins connus comme Sidney Reilly, William Shakespear, Wilhelm Wassmuss, Marguerite d’Andurain, John Eppler, Conrad Kilian. Puis, descendant dans le temps, Lady Stanhope, le Chevalier de Lascaris, William Palgrave, Arthur Conolly et David Urquhart.

« On dit que l’argent n’a pas d’odeur, le pétrole est là pour le démentir » a écrit Pierre Mac Orlan. « Au Proche-Orient et dans le Caucase », ajoute Gilles Munier, « il a une odeur de sang ». Lui qui a observé, sur le terrain, plusieurs conflits au Proche-Orient, montre que ces drames n’ont pas grand chose à voir avec l’instauration de la démocratie et le respect des droits de l’homme. Ils sont, comme la guerre d’Afghanistan et celles qui se profilent en Iran ou au Darfour, l’épilogue d’opérations clandestines organisées pour contrôler les puits et les routes du pétrole.

330 pages, avec photos, cartes et index – 22,60 euros - Editions Koutoubia - Groupe Alphée-Editplus

Les espions de l’or noir
Commentaires, critiques et questions posées à l’auteur sur : http://espions-or.noir.over-blog.com

Table des matières

· Avant propos : Pétrole… la dernière croisade occidentale

· Introduction : Le pétrole, « excrément du diable »

· Chapitre 1 : James Bond 007 se parfume au brut

· Chapitre 2 : Les espions de Napoléon, précurseurs du Grand jeu

· Chapitre 3 : William-Cohen Palgrave, l’espion jésuite qui voulait évangéliser les wahhabites

· Chapitre 4 : Jeux de vilains dans le Caucase et en Asie centrale

· Chapitre 5 : L’invention du Moyen-Orient

· Chapitre 6 : Capitaine William Shakespear, l’espion bien-aimé

· Chapitre 7 : Drang nach osten I – Les espions de Guillaume II

· Chapitre 8 : Wilhelm Wassmuss, l’insaisissable espion allemand

· Chapitre 9 : St John Philby, l’espion qui choisit le wahhabisme

· Chapitre 10 : Thomas Edward Lawrence, l’espion trop médiatisé

· Chapitre 11 : Gertrude Bell, l’espionne au cœur brisé

· Chapitre 12 : Drang nach osten II – Les espions d’Adolphe Hitler

· Chapitre 13 : Gaafar John Eppler, l’espion de l’Abwehr

· Chapitre 14 : Dame Freya Stark fait de l’espionnage

· Chapitre 15 : Pétrole, la France à la remorque des anglo-saxons

· Chapitre 16 : La mort mystérieuse de Conrad Kilian, espion malgré lui

· Chapitre 17 : Kermit Roosevelt, Ajax et les « tueurs à gages économiques »

· Postface : Espionnage privé : danger immédiat !

· Index

· Bibliographie
___

et

Sidney Reilly, un prêtre pas très catholique

Le Bagdadbahn et la carte pétrolière secrète du Sultan Abdul Hamid II

Koba (futur Staline) rackette les magnats du pétrole

Deterding, le « Napoléon du pétrole » finance le parti nazi

Quand Hitler ménageait les Britanniques

Palestine : le groupe Stern tend la main à Hitler

Jaussen, un dominicain au Service de Sa majesté

Le cas Massignon


BONNES FEUILLES

Bagdad : Fritz Grobba et le Carré d’Or

Au Proche-Orient, Hitler réactiva les réseaux créés pendant la Première guerre mondiale par le baron von Oppenheim et les services secrets du Kaiser. De nouvelles têtes apparurent, comme Fritz Grobba qui doit sa renommée au coup d’Etat des Officiers du Carré d’Or en 1941, à Bagdad. Spécialiste en langues orientales, il avait effectué dans sa jeunesse un court séjour en Palestine comme drogeman – interprète – puis comme officier avant de rejoindre l’Abteilung II, le département Orient du ministère des Affaires Etrangères. Nommé ambassadeur en Irak de 1932 à 1939, il avait rempli avec succès sa mission, y compris quand elle fut élargie à l’Arabie Saoudite où il avait tenté de convaincre le roi Ibn Saoud de se rapprocher de l’Allemagne.

En avril 1939, le roi Ghazi 1er dont la sympathie pour l’Allemagne et la volonté de réintégrer le Koweït dans le royaume étaient connues, trouva la mort dans un curieux accident de voiture, tout de suite dénoncé comme un assassinat par les nationalistes irakiens. Rien n’échappait aux Anglais : en juin 1939, un rapport secret de l’Air Staff Intelligence décrivait ses activités. On y apprenait que le montant des échanges commerciaux avait doublé - les firmes allemandes vendant leurs produits au dessous du prix pratiqué à Berlin - que des professeurs passés par l’Académie allemande dirigée par Karl Hanshofer à Munich, formaient des Irakiens des couches défavorisées pour des études universitaires en Allemagne, et que l’impact de la propagande du IIIè Reich allait grandissant. Une attention particulière était portée aux activités du club nationaliste arabe Muthana et de la Société de défense de la Palestine, de Yunis Bahri qui devint célèbre comme speaker de Radio Berlin, et de Amin Ruweiha, médecin d’origine syro-palestinienne, considéré comme un dangereux activiste anti-sioniste. Ce dernier expliqua plus tard son engagement pro-allemand par le fait que ces derniers n’ayant pas de colonies arabes, avaient les mains propres ; qu’ils étaient les ennemis des Anglais et des Français, les deux principaux ennemis des Arabes ; qu’ils n’avaient ni utilisé ni trahi les Arabes, qu’ils n’étaient pas partie prenante dans les accords Sykes-Picot, et – plus étonnant - qu’ayant perdu l’Alsace et la Lorraine, ils savaient ce que signifiait une occupation étrangère.

Dans le même esprit, le Premier ministre Rachid Ali et les colonels du Carré d’Or, héros de la révolution irakienne de 1941, n’étaient pas des nazis, mais des nationalistes irakiens. Leur coup d’Etat, programmé pour le 10 mai 1941, fut avancé quand ils apprirent qu’un régiment de Gurkhas avait embarqué en Inde pour Bassora. La conjoncture semblait favorable à Rachid Ali pour tenter un coup de force : les Allemands, occupant la Grèce et la Crète, pourraient les aider comme l’avait promis, semble-t-il, l’amt 1, le service secret SS. Les Britanniques ne pouvaient pas envoyer de renforts importants en Irak en raison de la progression de l’Africa Korps dans le désert libyen.

Rachid Ali demanda à Kinahan Cornwallis, ambassadeur anglais, de mettre les familles anglaises en sécurité sur la base militaire de Habbaniyya. Quand ce fut fait, il fit encercler et pilonner la base, puis proposa d’échanger les captifs contre le départ des Gurkhas. Il plaça les installations pétrolières sous contrôle irakien, obligeant l’Iraqi Petroleum Company à les maintenir en état et à livrer quatre millions et demi de litres d’essence à l’armée irakienne, mais destinés à la Wehrmarcht. Rachid Ali et les officiers du Carré d’Or avaient rempli leur part de l’accord conclu avec Fritz von Papen, ambassadeur du IIIè Reich à Constantinople : mise à disposition de pétrole irakien contre une aide allemande pour libérer les pays arabes et les unifier. La suite des événements dépendait des Allemands.

Malgré le bombardement de Habbaniyya, les Anglais tenaient bon. Une petite piste d’atterrissage construite sur le terrain de golf de la base permettait de les approvisionner en munitions. Fritz Grobba, représentant spécial du Führer auprès de Rachid Ali, arriva le 11 mai, avec quatre jours de retard. Il justifia, sans convaincre, la faiblesse du contingent allemand venu avec lui par l’importance des pertes subies en Crète. Un colonel allemand dressa la liste des besoins irakiens. Il réclama l’intervention de six escadrilles des Messerschmitt. Elles n’arrivèrent pas, de même que la majeure partie des armes débloquées par le général Dentz, haut-commissaire français en Syrie. Rachid Ali remercia plus tard Jacques Benoist-Méchin, présent lors des négociations Darlan-Hitler qui permirent ces livraisons, parce qu’elles avaient servi, en juillet 1958, à renverser la monarchie pro-britannique.

Les Irakiens ne se doutaient pas – ni Fritz Grobba, sans doute non plus - que l’armée allemande allait attaquer la Russie et qu’Hitler, partisan à l’époque d’une paix séparée avec l’Angleterre, ne voulait pas s’engager plus. Comble de malchance : le général Axel von Blomberg qui devait commander les forces allemandes fut tué, dit-on, par un Irakien qui avait cru que son avion était anglais. L’Opération Tapis doré, lancée à partir de la Jordanie, mit fin aux espérances des colonels du Carré d’Or. Le 30 mai, Fritz Grobba prit le chemin de Mossoul et de la Turquie. Rachid Ali et le Mufti de Jérusalem se réfugièrent en Iran, puis à Berlin. (…)

Les espions de l’or noir, par Gilles Munier
Paru le 26 avril 2009 aux Editions Koutoubia
Commandez-le chez votre libraire !

Gertrude Bell : L’œil de l’Intelligence Service sur la Mésopotamie

L’encerclement du corps expéditionnaire du général Townshend à Kut donna à Gertrude Bell l’occasion de tester ses capacités manipulatrices. Elle écrivit à Nouri Saïd, officier dans l’armée ottomane, membre d’al-Ahd - l’Alliance – organisation arabe clandestine anti-turque, pour lui demander de sortir de l’ombre. Elle demanda aux chefs de tribu de ne plus aider l’armée turque. Lawrence arriva en renfort d’Egypte avec un million de livres pour corrompre le général Khalil, commandant des forces turques et neveu d’Enver Pacha, ministre turc de la Guerre. Rien n’y fit : l’armée britannique subit une des plus humiliantes défaite de son histoire.

Au Caire, l’existence du Bureau arabe était enfin officialisée, mais Gertrude Bell ne tenait pas y reprendre sa place, se sentant – au contact des réalités – plus proches des analyses de Delhi que du Caire. Devenue indispensable à Bassora, Hardinge la nomma conseiller permanent de Percy Cox dont les attributions comprenaient la Mésopotamie et les pays du Golfe. En avril 1916, à Koweït, elle impressionna Ibn Saoud, qui n’avait jamais côtoyé d’Européennes, par ses connaissances et son dynamisme. Dans un article publié par l’Arab Bulletin, publication à diffusion restreinte à destination des cadres de l’Intelligence Service, elle le décrivit, enthousiaste, comme un homme d’exception en adéquation totale avec son peuple. Sans le dire trop ouvertement, elle espérait qu’il éliminerait Ibn Rachid et le Chérif Hussein de La Mecque.

Après la prise de Bagdad, Cox la nomma secrétaire des Affaires orientales, c'est-à-dire en fait, comme elle le souhaitait, l’œil, la bouche et le bras de l’Intelligence Service en Mésopotamie. (…)
_______________

Boutin, l’espion de Sidi Ferruch

En 1810, Napoléon convoqua Vincent-Yves Boutin, 38 ans, depuis peu Colonel du Génie, à peine remis d’une blessure infligée à la bataille de Wagram, pour l’envoyer en Egypte et en Syrie, toujours dans la perspective de conquérir les Indes britanniques. L’Empereur avait quand même dû écrire au général Clarck, ministre de la Guerre, pas pressé d’exécuter ce genre d’ordre, pour insister sur l’urgence de son départ. Que Boutin, lui disait-il, masque sa mission comme il l’entendra, mais qu’il la fasse…. Le ministre ne pouvant qu’obtempérer, chargea - en accord avec l’Empereur - Auguste Merciat d’aller s’informer de la situation en Palestine, et Bernardino Drovetti, consul français au Caire, de recruter un homme capable de pénétrer parmi les bédouins, de les éloigner des Ottomans, et de reconnaître tout le désert… jusqu’aux frontières de l’Inde. Vaste programme qui échut, théoriquement, au Chevalier Théodore de Lascaris.

Vincent-Yves Boutin ne manquait ni de courage ni d’intelligence. Il avait bourlingué à travers l’Europe au gré des campagnes militaires de l’Empereur, les précédant parfois en mission exploratoire. En 1808, il s’était rendu secrètement en Algérie et avait repéré l’endroit idéal pour débarquer un corps expéditionnaire : la pointe de Sidi Ferruch… Napoléon envisageait alors d’occuper l’Algérie en partant d’Espagne, et de se servir du pays comme base de départ vers l’Egypte et les Indes Britanniques. Sur le chemin du retour, les Anglais ayant arraisonné son bateau au large d’Ajaccio, Boutin se retrouva prisonnier. Il parvint à s’échapper à Malte, déguisé en marin italien, et à retourner à Paris par Constantinople pour apprendre que la conquête de l’Algérie était remise à plus tard : la résistance farouche du peuple espagnol avait contraint Napoléon à modifier ses plans. (…)

Nota : En 1830, sous Charles X, le rapport du colonel Boutin servira à conquérir et coloniser l’Algérie. Le général de Bourmont, ancien chef chouan rallié à Napoléon 1er, commandant le corps expéditionnaire débarquant à Sidi Ferruch était passé à l’ennemi la veille de la bataille de Waterloo.



Des bonnes feuilles des « Espions de l’or noir » sont à lire
dans les magazines L’Optimum et Afrique Asie de mai.

« Les espions de l’or noir » - www.editions-koutoubia.eu

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Rédaction et traduction : Gilles Munier, Xavière Jardez

Courriel : gillesmunier8639@neuf.fr - Portable : 06 19 74 45 99


ISSN : 1773 – 9780

Letter to President Barack Obama

Orhan Ketene

President Elect Barack Obama

Dear and Honorable Mr. President:

Congratulations on your historical election as the president of the United States of America. Your victory is the triumph of hope, a hope for a good change and a better future for the United States and the world.

I am writing to you not just because you won an election but because you have good intentions and you stand for justice and equality.

As a Turkmen from Northern Iraq, I ask you to pay attention to the plight of the Turkmens who are the second largest community in Northern Iraq and the third largest one in Iraq.

This peaceful and civilized people have been a part of Iraq’s history for at least fifteen centuries and have contributed a lot to this country. Their monuments throughout the history still stand.

Turkmens have always been friendly with neighboring communities in the region. They have shared their wealth and lands with the others for thousand years.

However, for the last nine decades, they have been unjustifiably prejudiced as disloyal to the country and wrongfully portrayed as the fifth column of a neighboring state. They have been under suspicion and have been victims of assimilation and ethnic cleansing campaigns.

Their population, which is in the category of millions, had been ignored and until today, they have been treated as a small minority by every administration in Iraq. My people were and are marginalized and denied their right of self determination, autonomy and any role in the state affairs as well as any high position in the successive governments.

Dear Mr. President; this people are in dire need of justice.

It is helpful to know that Northern Iraq is a multi-ethnic, multi-lingual, multi-cultural and multi-religious area.

Unlike the rest of the country, which is predominantly Arabic, there are four major distinct groups in the North; the Kurds, the Turkmens, the Arabs and the Chaldo-Assyrians as well as two smaller groups, the Ezdis and the Shabaks.

Northern Iraq includes the ethnic homelands of Kurdistan, Turkmeneli and Assyria. Therefore, each of those communities would like to have their autonomy and the right of self-determination, in order to protect and promote their language and culture. None of the groups accept to be dominated by the other, but rather through equal partnership between the majors and a fair share for the rest.

The American administration has told Iraqi minorities that they will bring equality to individuals and communities alike. However, they favored one minority only and gave them every thing they dreamed of and more. On the other hand they gave symbolic positions and representations to the Turkmens and the Chaldo-Assyrians.

Moreover, they let this favored minority to dominate the whole of Northern Iraq by force, despite the will of the other components.

The reality in Northern Iraq is; one ethnic homeland of one ethnic group is expanding against the other ethnic homelands.

Unlike what has been portrayed in the western media, Northern Iraq is not a haven for democracy, peace and stability, but rather, a land of mini dictatorships, ethnic discriminations, ethnic cleansing, countless assassinations, unwarranted arrests and torture.

Currently, there is a resistance in Northern Iraq against this imposed hegemony which will escalate into a bloody conflict unless equality between all groups is established.

Dear Mr. President; Turkmens hope to see the United States adhere to its American values and leave a good legacy behind, for this troubled region.

Empowering and enabling those great values will stop terrorism, ethnic intimidation and the drain of wealth. It will bring peace, stability and cooperation between all ethnic groups in Northern Iraq which will make it a good model for the rest of the Middle East region.

I ask you, as a defender of justice and righteousness, to consider the real situation in Northern Iraq and do the right thing to restore Americas’ rightful image.

Thank you for your attention.

Sincerely,

Orhan Ketene

USA Turkmen Representative

(2002-2007)

Third Iraqi Turkmen Media Council Conference - Istanbul

Third Iraqi Turkmen Media Council Conference
Istanbul
10-12 April 2009

Merry Fitzgerald’s Speech

I thank the General Secretary and the Members of the Turkmen Media Council for inviting me to the 3rd Turkmen Media Conference and for giving me the opportunity to speak.

Distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen:

Journalism in Iraq

Journalism in Iraq began with Zawra newspaper in June 1869, it was published in Turkish and later in Turkish and Arabic, its editor in chief was a Turkmen.

The Turkmen media in Kerkuk are almost a century old, their history goes back to even before the creation of the Iraqi state, indeed Havadis Gazetesi was the first newspaper which was published in the Turkish language in Kerkuk (in 1911), it was followed by Maaref Gazetesi in 1913.

After the First Word War, when Iraq came under British occupation, the Turkmen media were published in two languages: Turkish and Arabic, i.e. Necme in 1918, Teceddüt in 1920, Kerkük Gazetesi, a weekly publication of Kerkük Municipality from 1926-1974, Ileri in 1935, Afak in 1954, Beshir in 1959 and Kardaşlik in 1960.

After the 14th July 1958 revolution in Iraq which brought down the monarchy and established the republic in Iraq a new constitution was written. In this first republican era constitution the Iraqi people were defined as being composed of Arabs and Kurds.

One can consider that the actual problem of the Turkmens in Iraq has started with this first republican era constitution which has discriminated and marginalised their community by down-grading it to the level of a minority with lesser rights than their Arab and Kurdish compatriots.

The Turkmens were not allowed to be educated in their mother tongue and whilst the Arabic and Kurdish media were able to flourish in Iraq the Turkmens lost the right to publish in their own language, with the consequence that today, Turkmen media have a shortage of professional journalists and are lagging behind.

In the north of Iraq where the majority of the Turkmens live and where the Turkmen region is located Turkmens have suffered from the policy of arabisation in the past and are suffering since April 2003 from the hegemonic policy of the dominant Kurdish parties who are applying the policy of kurdification of the Turkmen region (Turkmeneli) in the north of Iraq.

The Turkmen media can play a very important role in promoting and defending the rights of the Turkmen community, indeed, the media play a crucial role in shaping a healthy democracy; they are the backbone of a democracy. The media can shape people’s opinions and it is not without reason that they are also called the fourth pillar of democracy alongside the executive, legislative and judiciary powers.

Hence, the Turkmen media’s role in the development of the Turkmen society in Iraq should not be under-estimated, the media’s role is to create a social awakening about the cultural heritage, it has to build confidence and instil a sense of responsibility particularly among the youth.

As far as I know, since 2003 up to now, the Turkmens of Iraq do not yet have their own daily newspaper published in their language, this is unfortunate and all the Turkmens with their different political parties and organizations must realize that it neither logical nor acceptable for a community of almost 3 million people which considers itself rightfully as the third main ethnic community in Iraq, not to have a daily paper published in their language.

In these troubled times it is important for Turkmens to be kept informed about the political developments in Iraq, this will enable them to defend their cause and to demand their rights.

With the proliferation of alternative media, websites and blogs the Turkmens also have the opportunity to make the international public opinion aware of their situation and this requires a good knowledge of foreign languages To get people’s attention and to be credible Turkmens should give special attention to the quality of their writings, as sloppy texts are often misunderstood and do not draw the attention of the readers.

Turkmen youth in Iraq should therefore be encouraged to study communication and journalism and they should be given a chance to study abroad in order to learn foreign languages such as English, French, Spanish and German and become familiar with other cultures. Young Turkmens of the Diaspora should also be encouraged to study communication, as they already have the advantage of being familiar with foreign cultures.

Iraq’s Future

On the subject of Iraq’s future a lot has been said and published in the media, US and EU experts are giving their opinions and advice, which are mostly patronizing and which do not necessarily represent the interest of the Iraqi people. These “experts” concentrate almost exclusively on the business opportunities in Iraq for their companies and their interest is centred principally on Iraq’s oil, gas and agriculture.

Iraq, as we all know, can be self-sufficient, it has water, wheat and oil. Today, because of the war and occupation, Iraq has to import wheat and even oil and a great number of Iraqis do not have access to water.

The future of Iraq’s oil is being decided under Occupation (by the US through their lackeys in the Iraqi government and by the Kurdish warlords) long term contracts which are giving away Iraq’s oil riches are being signed and these will bind Iraqis for several generations.
What is more, the fate of Iraq’s food sources and agricultural heritage is being looted behind closed doors.

The US-UK’s deliberate bombing of Iraq’s civilian infrastructure of water purification and electrical plants, cattle feed lots, poultry farms, fertilizer warehouses, pumping stations, irrigation systems, fuel depots and pesticide factories – the very infrastructure of Iraqi agriculture – has destroyed the Iraqi Agriculture.

The invasion of Iraq was not only about oil, the US corporate agribusiness is now overseeing the “rehabilitation” of agriculture in Iraq and this means the doom of Iraqi farmers.

Iraqi scientists are ringing the alarm bell, but unfortunately their warnings do not get the attention they deserve in the media.

The Occupation is destroying the economy and the future of Iraq.

Iraq, the Fertile Crescent, is home to the oldest agricultural traditions in the world. It was the centre of domestication for a remarkable range of today’s primary agricultural crops and livestock animals. Wheat, barley, rye, lentils, sheep and goats were all originally brought under human control around 8.000 BCE. Iraq is where wild wheat was once originated and many of its cereal varieties have been exported and adapted worldwide.

The inhabitants of Mesopotamia have used informal seed supply systems to plant crops, suited to their particular environment. The saving and sharing of seeds in Iraq has always been a largely informal matter. Local varieties of grain and legumes have been adapted to local conditions over the millennia. Agriculture remains an essential part of Iraq’s heritage.
Despite extreme aridity, characterised by low rainfall and soil salinity, Iraq had a world standard agricultural sector producing good quality food for generations.

According to the UN Food and Agricultural Organisation (FAO), 97% of Iraqi farmers in 2002 still used saved seed from their own stocks from last year’s harvest, or purchased from local markets, this despite the criminal sanctions which destroyed Iraq’s agricultural sector.


U.S. Policies – GMOs and the Detrimental Effects of Order 81

When Paul Bremer left Baghdad after the so-called “transfer of sovereignty” in June 2004, he left behind the 100 orders he enacted as head of the occupation authority in Iraq.
Among them is Order 81 which he issued and signed on April 26, 2004 (paragraphs 51-79) on “Patent, Industrial Design, Undisclosed Information, Integrated Circuits and Plant Variety”. This order amends Iraq’s original patent law of 1970 and unless and until it is revised or repealed it has the status and force of a binding law; with important implications for farmers and the future of agriculture in Iraq, this order is yet another important component in the US attempts to radically transform Iraq’s economy.

While historically the Iraqi constitution prohibited private ownership of biological resources, the new US-imposed patent law introduces a system of monopoly rights over seeds. Inserted into Iraq’s previous patent law is a whole new chapter on Plant Variety Protection (PVP) that provides for the “protection of new varieties of plants”. PVP is an intellectual property right (IPR) or a kind of patent for plant varieties which gives an exclusive monopoly right on planting material to a plant breeder who claims to have discovered or developed a new variety. So the “protection” in PVP has nothing to do with conservation, but refers to safeguarding of the commercial interests of private breeders (usually large corporations) claiming to have created the new plant.

To qualify for PVP, plant varieties must comply with the standards of the UPOV Convention, (International Union for the Protection of New Plant Varieties) which requires them to be new, distinct, uniform and stable. Farmers’ seeds cannot meet these criteria, making PVP-protected seeds the exclusive domain of corporations. The rights granted to plant breeders in this scheme include the exclusive right to produce, reproduce, sell, export, import and store the protected varieties. These rights extend to harvested material, including whole plants and parts of plants obtained from the use of a protected variety. This kind of PVP system is often the first step towards allowing the full-fledged patenting of life forms. Indeed, in this case the rest of the law does not rule out the patenting of plants or animals.

The term of the monopoly is 20 years for crop varieties and 25 for trees and vines.
During this time the protected variety de facto becomes the property of the breeder, and nobody can plant or otherwise use this variety without compensating the breeder. This new law means that Iraqi farmers can neither freely legally plant nor save for re-planting seeds of any plant variety registered under the plant variety provisions of the new patent law. This deprives farmers from what they and many others worldwide claim as their inherent right to save and replant seeds.

Corporate control

The new law is presented as being necessary to ensure the supply of good quality seeds in Iraq and to facilitate Iraq’s accession to the WTO (World Trade Organization). What it will actually do is facilitate the penetration of Iraqi agriculture by the likes of MONSANTO, SYNGENTA, BAYER and DOW CHEMICAL – the corporate giants that control seed trade across the globe.

Eliminating competition from farmers is a prerequisite for these companies to open up operations in Iraq, which the new law has achieved. Taking over the first step in the food chain is their next move.

Food Sovereignty

Food sovereignty is the right of people to define their own food and agriculture policies, to protect and regulate domestic agricultural production and trade, to decide the way food should be produced, what should be grown locally and what should be imported.

The demand for food sovereignty and the opposition to the patenting of seeds has been central to the small farmers’ struggle all over the world over the past decade. By fundamentally changing the law in Iraq, the US has ensured that Iraq’s agricultural system will remain under “OCCUPATION”.

Unfortunately, the mainstream media hardly cover this important subject and the majority of Iraqis are unaware of this Machiavellian plan which will devastate the future of their country’s agriculture and irremediably change their lives and that of the future generations of Iraqis if it is implemented.

Organizations, activists, farmers and organic food advocates around the world have endorsed and will observe April 26 (day on which Bremer issued and signed this criminal law in 2004) as International Seeds Day (ISD).

A “Greedy, unjust law is meant to be disobeyed”.

The Iraqi Turkmen media can play a paramount role in informing the Iraqi people and especially the farmers of the implications of Order 81, the future of Iraq’s agriculture depends on it.

According to a recent report drafted for the ministers of the Group of Eight nations the world faces a permanent food crisis and global instability unless countries act now to feed a surging population by doubling agricultural output, it warns that global agriculture production must double by 2050.

I wish the Iraqi Turkmens and all the Iraqi people determination and courage to achieve these goals.

I thank you for your attention.

Merry Fitzgerald
Committee for the Defence of the Iraqi Turkmens’ Rights (Belgium)
Istanbul, 10th April 2009.





Notes:
Patent, Industrial Design, Undisclosed Information, Integrated Circuits and Plant Variety Law of 2004, CPA Order No. 81, 26 April 2004, http://www.iraqcoalition.org/regulations/20040426_CPAORD_81_Patents_Law.pdf

UPOV stands for International Union for the Protection of New Plant Varieties. Headquartered in Geneva, Switzerland it is an intergovernmental organisation with 53 members, mostly industrialised countries. The UPOV Convention is a set of standards for the protection of plant varieties, mainly geared toward industrial agriculture and corporate interests. See http://www.upov.org/.

WTO : The World Trade Organisation, wherein the Iraqi Government has an observer status.

Türkmenlerin Dünyaya Sergiledikleri Belirsizlikler- 2

Türkmenlerin Dünyaya Sergiledikleri Belirsizlikler- 2Orhan Ketene

7 Nisan, 2009

Şurası bir gerçektir ki, Türkmenlerde belirsizlikler devam ettikçe, hem Türkmenler saygınlık kaybedecek hemde yabancılar Türkmenler hakkında bildiklerini okuyacaklar ve şimdiki kargaşa devam edecektir.Unutmayalım ki belirsizlik ve karışıklık insanları bezdirir. Bu karışıklığın ana yaratıcıları ise karşıtlarımızdır. Bunun politik adı ise “Dezenformasyon”dur.

Bu belirsizlikler bir an önce merçek altına alınmalı ve eldeki verilerin en doğruları seçilerek belirlenmelidirler. Peki, verilerin hangileri doğrudur?Doğruları seçmek ve benimsemek en başta, Türkmenlerin görevidir ve dünya da bunları kabul etmek zorundadır

Şimdi tek tek belirsizlikleri inceleyelim ve doğruları belirtelim:

Türkmen adı ve şehir adlarının İngilizce şekli konusunda bir kesimimiz hemen İngilizce sözlüklere bakarak doğruları seçelim diyecekler!Bunlara cevabımız : Sözlükler değişimez kutsal kitaplar değillerdir. Bir kaç akademisyenin, piyasayı inceleyip bulgularını içerir. Ortada dolaşan değişik şekillerini yazarlar ama hangisinin doğru olduğunu söylemezler.

Türkmenler kararlarını verdikten sonra hepsi bir ağızdan aynısını tekrar edince, kamuoyu oluşur ve resmileşir. Dünya da bunu böyle kabul eder.Belirsizlik:

1- Türkmenlerin İngilizce adları belli değil: Türkçe adları net bir şekilde belirli olmasına karşın (Tekil: Türkmen, Çoğul: Türkmenler). İngilizcede ise:

Tekil: Turkmen, Turkman, Turkoman, Turcoman, Trukman, Turukman, Turkuman, Torkeman....v.s. Çoğul: Turkmens, Turkmen, Turkmans, Turkomans, Turcomans, Turkomen, Turkomens, Turukmans, Turkumans......v.s.Çözüm:1- Türkmen Adı: Türkmen adındaki karışıklığın sebebi, Arapça veya Farsça yazılışın değişik hecelerle latinceye geçmesindendir.

Türkmen kelimesi bir addır ve hangi dilde olursa olsun değişmez. Nasıl ki (Tekil-Çoğul) Arab-Arabs, Kurd-Kurds, Assyrian-Assyrians deniyorsa Tekil: Turkmen, Çoğul: Turkmens olmalıdır.

Türkmen yazarlar hep birlikte bu şekilde yazarsa ve bunda israr ederse, bu ad genelleşir ve dünyaca kabul edilir ve dünya bilgi kaynaklarına (ansiklopedilere ve internete) bu şekilde kaydedilir.

Aksi taktirde, hem tekile hem çoğula hemde sıfata ayni kelimeyi (Turkmen) kullanırsak, karşımızdakinde şaşkınlık yaratacağız. Eğer çoğula Turkmen dersek, bu kelime: Turk-men olarak anlaşılır yani (Türk erkekler) dolayısıyla, tekil Türkmene: “Turk-man&eq; Turkman” yani (Türk erkek) sonucuna varılır ki yanlıştır.

Sıfatta ise Türkmence &eq; Turkmenian olmalıdır (örnek: Arab-Arabic, Kurd-Kurdish, Turkmen-Turkmenian) (Türkmence&eq;Turkmenian).

Birde karşıtlarımızın durumuna bakalım. Kürt ve Kürdistan, İngilizcede Kurd ve Kurdistan geçiyor. Halbuki bunlarında bir sürü değişik adları vardır (Curd-Curdestan. Kord-Kordestan) ama bu adları bugünkü literatürde göremezsiniz çünkü sabitleştirildi ve adlarla oynanmasına hoş bakmıyorlar.

Bu konuda kişisel tecrübemi anlatmakta yarar görüyorum. ITC´nin Washington temsilciliğini yaptığım yıllarda, 6 Aralık 2002’de Beyaz Saray, ITC’yi resmi Irak muhalefet gurupları arasına koymaya karar verdi, Amerikan Dış İşleri bakan yardımcısıyla yaptığımız toplantıda, Beyaz Saraya, hakkımızdaki gerekli bilgileri verecek bir yetkili bana yaklaşıp sordu: Türkmenler hakkında yaptığı araştırmada 7 tane değişik adlarının olduğunu tesbit ettiğini söyledi. Bunlardan hangisinin doğru olduğunu sordu.

Bende doğrunun Turkmen-Turkmens olduğunu anlattım ve böylece Beyaz Saray kararnamesi yayınlandı. Ondan sonra büyük ölçüde bu şekilde kaldı ve diğer versiyonlar kayboldu. Ancak son zamanlarda yine eski kargaşaya dönmeye başladı. Özellikle tekil-çoğul kargaşası devam etmektedir.

Belirsizlik:

2- Türkmenlerin şehir adlarının latince yazılışı belirsizdir: Kerkuk, Karkuk, Kirkuk, Karkouk. Telafer, Tel Afar, Talafar, Talla’far.Musul, Mosul, Mousil, Mawsil. Erbil, Arbil, Irbil. Altun Kopru, Altun Kupri, Alton Kopru, Alton Kupri. Tawukh, Tawuq, Tavuk, Tawoq, Daquq. Tuz Khurmatu, Tuz Hurmatu, Toz Khurmatu, Toz Khormato. Qara Teppe, Kara Tepe, Qara TappaKhaneqin, Hanekin, Khanaqeen.Qizlarbat, Kizlarbat, Kizil Ribat, Sadiye. Qaraghan, Karagan, Jalawla, Celevla.

Çözüm:

2- Türkmen Şehir Adları: Türkmen şehirlerinin adlarındaki karışıklığın sebebide yine Arapçadaki yazılışın değişik hecelerle latinceye geçmesindendir. Iraklıların Arapça telaffuzu başlıca kuzeyli ve güneyli olarak ikiye ayrılır. Kuzeydekiler genellikle açmayla (Fatha), konuşurlar: Karkuk, Arbil, Hamrin...gibi.

Güneydekiler ise kırmayla (Kesre) konuşurlar: Kirkuk, Irbil, Himrin gibi. Bu şehir adları Arapçada hareketsiz yazılınca, tamamen konuşmacının söyleyişine bağlıdır. İşte bu yüzdendir ki bugünkü karmaşa yaşanmaktadır.

Bunun çözümü şudur: Irakta latince yazan sadece Türkmenlerdir. Dolayısıyla, Türkmenler ne şekilde yazıyorsa, İngilizce yazılarda bunların İngilizce yazılış şekli Türkmence şeklinden ve söylenişinden alınmalıdır.

İngilizcede bazı Türkçe karakterler “ö”,”ü” olmadığına göre “o”,”u”şekline dönüşebilir.

Dolayısıyla: Kerkük&eq; Kerkuk, Altun Köprü&eq; Altun Kopru, Qarağan&eq;Qaragan. Buna göre Türkmenler, şehir adlarını İngilizce yazılarında şöyle yazmalıdırlar: Kerkuk, Telafer, Musul, Erbil, Altun Kopru, Tawukh, Tuz Khurmatu, Kifri, Qara Teppe, Qizlarbat, Qaragan, Khaneqin, Mendeli, Bedre, Aziziye, Mahmudiye, İskenderiye, Yusufiye.

Türkmen yazarlar hep birlikte bu şekilde yazarsa ve bunda israr ederse, bu adlar genelleşir ve dünyaca kabul edilir ve dünya bilgi kaynaklarına (ansiklopedilere ve internete) bu şekilde kaydedilir. Unutmayalım ki adlar kimliktir ve Türkmenler kimliklerinde israr ederseler saygınlıklarıda artar.Arapçalaştırılan Türkmen şehir adları (Te’mim, Salahiyye, Sadiyye, Jalawla) ise kesinlikle kullanılmamalıdır.

Belirsizlik:

3- Türkmenlerin nüfusu belirsizdir: 200.000, 400.000, 800.000, 1 milyon, 1.5 milyon, 2 milyon, 2.5 milyon, 3 milyon, 3.5 milyon, 4 milyon,....v.s. Dünya ansiklopedilerinde Türkmen nüfüsunu 200.000-3.5 milyon arası gösterirler ki bu bilgisayar çağında belirsizliğin en çarpıcı örneğidir.

Çözüm:

3- Türkmen Nüfusu: Genellikle tüm Türkmenlerin ve özellikle yurt dışındaki Türkmen temsilcilerinin en büyük sıkıntısı Türkmen nüfüs sorunudur. Bugüne kadar güvenilir ve doğru bir sayım yapılmadığından, hep tahminlerle gidilmiş ve 1957 sayımı sonuçları esas alınarak enterpolasyonla bugünkü rakamlar çıkartılmıştır ki o da şüphelidir. Türkmenler nüfuslarını abartmaya, karşıtları olan Kürtler ve Araplar ise sayılarını en düşük düzeye düşürmek isterler.

Bu tartışmaya son vermek için mutlaka bir sayım yapılmalıdır. Ekim 2009’da devlet tarafından sayım yapılacağı söyleniyor ancak ne kadar güvenilir olacağı ve şartların ne kadar müsait olduğu şüphelidir.

Aslında en doğrusu, ITC’nin bu sayımı gayri-resmide olsa kendisinin yapmasıdır. ITC, 2003 Nisanından beri Irak genelinde kurduğu 65 dolayındaki bürosu bu işi yapsaydı şimdi sorun olmazdı. Aradan geçen 6 yılda her gün bir kaç aile sayılsaydı, şimdi Türkmen sayısı belli olurdu.

Aslında, Irak devleti tarafından resmi ve sağlıklı bir sayımın yapılması için en başta şu şartların gerçekleşmesi gerekir:

A- Güvenliğin sağlanması ve peşmerge baskılarının kalkması gerekir.

B- Korku veya çıkar yüzünden milliyetini saklamaya yeltenenlere karşılık, Türkmenlerin kendi asıllarını inkar etmeyecek derecede milli şuur verilmelidir. Bu da tüm Türkmenlere ulaşıp, ilgilenmeli ve sorunlarına çare aranmalıdır. Özellikle Araplaşan Türkmenlerin asıllarına dönmeleri ve kabul etmelerine ağırlık verilmelidir.Nüfus sorunu çözülürse Türkmenler için büyük bir belirsizlik ortadan kalkmış olur

http://www.kerkukmedya.com/articles.php?action=view&id=198

Report by Amnesty International: Human rights in the Kurdistan region of Iraq

Hope and Fear: Human rights in the Kurdistan region of Iraq
Source: Amnesty International (AI)
Date: 14 Apr 2009

Full_Report (pdf* format - 1.1 Mbytes)

Introduction

The Kurdistan Region of Iraq, unlike the rest of the country, has generally been stable since the 2003 US-led invasion. It has witnessed growing prosperity and an expansion of civil society, including the establishment of numerous non-governmental organizations (NGOs) active in the promotion and protection of human rights. The Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) has made progress in the field of human rights. In mid-2008 it released hundreds of political detainees, many of whom had been held for years without charge or trial. It has improved Iraqi legislation; the Press Law of September 2008, for example, expanded freedom of expression, and amendments to the Personal Status Law passed in October 2008 strengthened women's rights.

The authorities have also established several bodies to monitor and prevent violence against women, including specialized police directorates and shelters. Platforms have been established to foster dialogue between the authorities, particularly the Ministry of Human Rights, and civil society organizations on human rights concerns, including violence against women.

Despite these positive and encouraging steps, however, serious human rights violations persist and still need to be addressed. In particular, urgent action by the government is required to ensure that the KRG's internal security service, the Asayish, is made fully accountable under the law and in practice, to investigate allegations of torture, enforced disappearances and other serious human rights violations by the Asayish and other security and intelligence forces. As well, more needs to be done to end violence and discrimination against women, building on the progress achieved so far, and to enhance the standing in society and life choices available to women and girls.

Thirdly, the KRG must take steps to protect and promote the right to freedom of expression, including media freedom, taking into account the vital role of the media in informing the public and acting as a public watchdog.

It is these three areas which form the focus of this report.

Since 2000, thousands of people have been detained arbitrarily and held without charge or trial in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, in some cases for more than seven years. The vast majority were suspected members or supporters of local Islamist organizations, including both armed groups and legal political parties that do not use or advocate violence as part of their political platform. Some were tortured or otherwise ill-treated in detention.

Invariably, detentions were carried out by members of the Asayish , without producing an arrest warrant, and those detained were then denied access to legal representation or the opportunity to challenge their continuing detention before a court of law or an independent judicial body, throughout their incarceration.

Some detainees were subjected to enforced disappearance, including some whose fate and whereabouts have yet to be disclosed – typically, following their arrest by the Asayish or the intelligence services of the two main Kurdish parties, their families were unaware of their fate and whereabouts and were unable toobtain information about them, or confirmation of their detention from the authorities. Dozens of other prisoners, meanwhile, are under sentence of death having been convicted in unfair trials.

Despite welcome government efforts to address "honour crimes" and other violence against women, it is clear from comparing survey data on violence against women with the number of police recorded cases of violence against women that the vast majority of such incidents remain unreported. Even when women have been killed or survived a killing attempt, many perpetrators have not been brought to justice – often because investigations have failed to identify the perpetrators or because suspects remain at large.

Freedom of expression continues to be severely curtailed in practice, despite the recent abolition of imprisonment for publishing offences. Journalists have been arrested and sometimes beaten, particularly when publishing articles criticizing government policies or highlighting alleged corruption and nepotism within the government and the dominant political parties. Again, the hand of the seemingly all powerful and unaccountable Asayish and other security agencies is alleged to be behind a number of these attacks. One journalist was killed in July 2008 in suspicious circumstances.

This report details a wide range of human rights violations committed in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq in recent years. In particular, it sheds light on violations such as arbitrary and prolonged detention without charge or trial, enforced disappearance, torture and other illtreatment, the death penalty, unfair trials, discrimination and violence against women, and attacks on freedom of expression. It includes case studies to illustrate these abuses. The report also puts forward numerous recommendations which, if implemented, would go a long way towards reducing such violations.

Much of the information contained in this report is the outcome of a fact-finding visit conducted by Amnesty International in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq from 23 May to 8 June 2008,2 the first such visit by Amnesty International for several years. Amnesty International submitted its findings, in the form of two memoranda on human rights concerns, to the KRG in August 2008 and sought its response. The responses received in communications from the KRG Ministry of Human Rights at the end of 2008 are reflected in this report.

Full_Report (pdf* format - 1.1 Mbytes)

بيـــــان

بيـــــان

بدعم وتحريض من الحزبين الكرديين وبمساندة الإدارة المحلية بما فيها قوات الشرطة والأسايش في كركوك بالضغط على الموظفين ومن كافة القوميات وفي معظم دوائر الدولة في كركوك لإجبارهم للتوقيع على ما يسمى باستبيان لتقرير مصير كركوك وربطها باقليم (كردستان) في مخالفة واضحة للديمقراطية واستغلال للسلطات الإدارية لأغراض حزبية وانتهاكات صارخة لحقوق الانسان
ان الهدف من وراء هذه الامور هي افشال المادة / 23 من قانون انتخابات مجالس المحافظات وكذلك الضغط على فريق الأمم المتحدة ( اليونامي ) المنهمكة في اعداد تقرير حول المناطق المتنازع عليها وبالأخص كركوك
تطالب الكتلتين ( التركمانية والعربية ) دولة رئيس الوزراء الاستاذ نوري المالكي بالتدخل شخصيا لإيقاف هذه الإجراءات غير القانونية ونطالب السيد استيفان ديمستورا للانتباه إلى هذه الممارسات الاستفزازية واشعال فتيل النزاع وعدم تأثيرها والتأثير على حيادية الأمم المتحدة ونزاهتها
وفي حال إصرار الأحزاب الكردية على ممارسة إجراء استبيان أو استفتاء حول مصير كركوك فاننا نلجأ إلى طلب من الشعب العراقي في جميع المحافظات باستبيان آراءهم حول كركوك ومصيرها


الكتلتين التركمانية والعربية
في مجلس محافظة كركوك
06/04/2009

SYRIA: Fears over gender-based violence in Iraqi community

IRIN

Aid agencies are worried about high levels of sexual and gender-based violence in the Iraqi refugee community in Syria

DAMASCUS, 6 April 2009 (IRIN) - UN agencies working in Syria are worried about high levels of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) in the Iraqi refugee community. No comprehensive statistics on SGBV are available for Syria but local studies and anecdotal evidence suggest that the rate of GBV among the refugees is much higher than among the Syrian population. The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) identified nearly 500 Iraqi victims of SGBV between January and August 2008.

Its update in August 2008 said: “At least 450 survivors of SGBV have been identified since January 2008, making an average of 13 per week.” The most common types of SGBV, said the report, included rape, forced prostitution, trafficking, forced marriage, domestic violence and sexual exploitation. “We have noticed a problem with both physical and emotional abuse,” said Carole Laleve, a spokesperson for the UNHCR. “The number of cases coming to our attention has risen but that may be due to an increased willingness to seek help.” Other agencies report similar findings. “Our anecdotal evidence suggests the rate of GBV in the Iraqi community is higher than in the Syrian one,” said Theodora Tsovili, a psychosocial specialist at the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF).

“Adolescents have particular psychosocial vulnerabilities and since the end of 2007 UNICEF has been running a programme of SGBV prevention among young women and men.”

Over 1.2 millions Iraqis fled their country following the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the outbreak of sectarian violence in its aftermath. Experts say they are not surprised by the higher and continued occurrence of violence, given the vulnerability of Iraqis in Syria. Behaviour change “The Iraqis who fled to Syria are often suffering from post-traumatic disorders, most have a family member who was killed or tortured, often in front of them,” said Ilham Moussa, who works on the UN Population Fund’s (UNFPA’s) US$200,000 humanitarian programme to support the Ministry of Health’s services. “Injuries can also cause behaviour to change and make people more violent,” she added.

Other risk factors such as low income and changes in family roles, such as women becoming the main earners, are also present in the Iraqi community in Syria. These factors expose them to greater risk of SGBV than the Syrian population. Suffering in silence The real levels of SGBV are likely to be underestimated given the reluctance of women, who are usually the victims, to speak out. Doctors in Damascus and the northeastern city of Al-Hassakeh, where most Iraqi refugees live, have reported a number of cases of SGBV in Iraqi families. “Often women are scared to say anything. They think they will be marginalised by their community and have no source of income,” said one doctor from the Dummar suburb of Damascus. “They think about their families and their children and decide that it is better to suffer in silence.”

The UNHCR says its outreach programme, in which a group of Iraqi women are trained to raise awareness by talking to their peers about SGBV, is helping Iraqi women to feel able to talk and seek help. “It is a very sensitive issue but now the women are much more open,” says Laleve.

“There is a lot of pride at the start but as they trust the outreach workers and their desperation increases, they do start to talk.” Workshops Other initiatives to tackle the SGBV are in progress and many more are being planned. UNFPA runs a humanitarian programme which has run six workshops for health professionals in the affected areas on how to deal with victims of violence - both Iraqi and Syrian as they use the same health system.

Health professionals who attended the workshops in Damascus at the end of 2008 were taught how to detect SGBV, which tests to offer victims, and the codes of confidentiality for dealing with them. They were also taught counselling techniques, including methods to teach women how to diffuse violent situations at home. The Ministry of Health is finalising the first set of guidelines on dealing with victims of abuse. Other organisations such as the French development organisation, IECD, are developing SGBV programmes for the Iraqi population. Several shelters are available for referral of the most serious cases.

sb/ar/cb

III. IRAK TÜRKMEN BASIN KONSEYİ KURULTAYI

III. IRAK TÜRKMEN BASIN KONSEYİ KURULTAYI

İstanbul, 10–12 Nisan 2009

BASIN AÇIKLAMASI

III. Irak Türkmen Basın Konseyi Kurultayı10–12 Nisan 2009 Tarihleri Arasında İstanbul’da Toplanıyor

Irak Türkmenlerinin medyasına hizmet eden yazılı ve görsel basın mensupları arasında diyalog oluşturmak, bu alanda çalışanlarının amaçlarına ulaşmasını sağlamak, Türkmen basınının güçlenmesine katkıda bulunmak; tarafsız, bağımsız, doğru ve düzeyli habercilik anlayışı ile Irak ve dünya kamuoyunu bilgilendirmek; Türkmen davasının tanıtımını ve ülke topraklarının birliğinin, saygınlığının ve kutsallığının korunması yolunda Irak Türkmenlerinin yaptığı çağrıyı duyurmak; yazılı, işitsel ve görsel medya alanında çaba harcayan Türkmenler arasında düşünce, bakış, dayanışma, iş ve söylem birliğini pekiştirmek amacıyla III. Irak Türkmen Basın Konseyi Kurultayı 10–12 Nisan 2009 tarihleri arasında İstanbul’da toplanacaktır.

Gazete, dergi, televizyon, radyo, web sitesi ve benzeri iletişim araçlarında çalışan Irak Türkmen yazılı ve görsel medya mensuplarından 100 dolayında delegenin katıldığı kurultaya Kerkük’ten, Bağdat’tan, Musul’dan, Telafer, Tuzhurmatu ve Erbil’den, ABD ve Kanada’dan, İngiltere, Almanya, Fransa, Hollanda ve Danimarka’dan, Avustralya ve Türkiye’den yazı işleri müdürü, editör, başyazar, gazeteci, yazar, muhabir ve web sayfası yöneticileri gibi medyaya yönelik kendi alanında çaba gösteren Türkmen temsilciler katılacaklardır.

Kurultaya ayrıca Arap ve Batı dünyasından 20’ye yakın tanınmış medya temsilci, yazar, gazeteci ve muhabir katılıyor. İstanbul-Osmanbey, Ramada Plaza İstanbul otelinde yapılacak olan kurultay, 10 Nisan 2009, Cuma günü saat 14.30’da Balo Salonu’nda yapılacak açılış oturumu ile başlayacaktır. 3 gün sürecek kurultayda paneller, seminer ve oturumlar yapılacaktır. Kurultay 12 Nisan 2009 Pazar günü sonuç bildirisinin açıklanacağı kapanış oturumu ile çalışmalarını tamamlamış olacaktır.

Düzenleme Komitesi

Prof. Dr. Suphi SAATÇİ

Irak Türkmen Basın Konseyi Genel Sekreteri

Mehmet TÜTÜNCÜ

Türkmen Basın Konseyi Üyesi

Şükran KAYACI

Türkmen Basın Konseyi Üyesi

IRAK TÜRKMEN BASIN KONSEYİ

Nevbahar Mahallesi Kuka Sokağı Huzur Apt. Nu: 1/1

Fındıkzade-Fatih/İSTANBUL

Tel: (0212) 584 00 75

Faks: (0212) 584 00 76

http://bizturkmeniz.com/tr/index.htm

Iraq’s Turkmen intellectuals searching for their future

The third meeting of the Iraqi Turkmen Press Council was held between April 10 and 12 in İstanbul. The purpose of the meeting, organized under the guidance of Professor Suphi Saatçi, Mehmet Tütüncü and Şükran Kayacı, was to promote the Iraqi Turkmen press.

The Turkish press, intellectuals, bureaucrats and politicians were uninterested in the meeting. Interestingly, even İstanbul deputies and representatives of local party organizations did not pay heed to the meeting. The only notable attendees were Erşat Hürmüzlü, the chief advisor to President Abdullah Gül on the Middle East, and Iraq's consul general in İstanbul. Considering the fact that President Gül met with Turkmen and Arab intellectuals in İstanbul on April 11, one can suggest that the Turkish presidency was the only body that attached importance to the meeting. It is an odd contradiction for Turkish intellectuals and politicians to show close interest in Iraqi Kurds while turning a blind eye to Iraqi Turkmens.

Iraqi Turkmens have always been shadowed by the fact that they are regarded as extensions of the Ottoman Empire and the Turkish Republic. They could not manage to get their voices heard about the pressure they were subjected to and the losses they suffered both during the time of Saddam and the US occupation. Their cries were always muted. They were always a community living in the shadows. However, Iraqi Turkmens are intellectual people. They do not like conflicts. They always seek to find conciliation with other groups. They believe in their hearts in territorial integrity, increased welfare and democratization. They do not want be a minority, but desire to be a community within the majority and contribute their richness to Iraq by preserving their identity. This is well exemplified in their past.

The first Iraqi Turkmen newspaper was published in 1915. However, it is ironic that there is no Turkmen press association in Iraq. They note that for several months, they have experienced difficulty in their attempts to become members of the Iraqi Press Association and that they are not allowed to establish their own trade unions. In Iraq, there are more than 100 TV channels -- about half of which operate via satellite -- but Turkmens have only one TV channel, namely Türkmeneli TV. Another problem they face is that although they have local papers, they do not have a national newspaper through which they could have their voices heard by the general public in Iraq.

Turkish and Western journalists who go to Iraq are, in general, not specialized in the topic of Iraq. They do not know problems or details. They tend to run analyses without knowing the distinction between Sunnis and Shiites or between Kurmanji or Sorani. They tend to cover groups such as Kurds and organizations that make sure their voices are heard by resorting to the use of arms. They tend to see peace-loving peoples like Turkmens as mere folkloric elements. They do not even try to understand the existing war.

About 75 percent of Iraqi people watch satellite TV channels to stay informed, while 6 percent tend to use Internet news sources. The written press does not have any weight in society. In Iraq, rife with attempts at disinformation, it is hard to say that there is a free press. For this reason, a new press law is in the making. If free and democratic press organizations cannot exist in Iraq, we cannot expect democracy to take root and territorial integrity to be secured. Turkmens represent a cornerstone for democratic order in Iraq. The place of Turkmens within the integrity of Iraq should be given greater emphasis so that future generations can live in peace. It should not be forgotten that various languages are part of the wealth of Iraq. Iraq needs peace and dialogue. Iraq no longer wants to see more bloodshed.

14 April 2009, Tuesday
http://www.todayszaman.com/tz-web/yazarDetay.do?haberno=172356

The Turkmens and Kerkuk, by Dr Hassan AYDINLI (Video)

Extracts of ITF EU Representative’s speech at the EU Parliament

on 18th March 2009 in Brussels

To watch videos please click on :

http://www.youtube.com/user/BRussellsTribunal

"The situation of Turkmens in the North of Iraq", by Hassan Aydinli, oil expert.

This speech was a part of "Occupation Year 7: What future for Iraq?",
a series of events organized by The BRussells Tribunal,
and took place in the European Parliament, 18 March 2009, in Brussels.

***

"The situation of Turkmen in the North of Iraq" (part 1)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7URMgE4grNQ&feature=channel_page

"The situation of Turkmen in the North of Iraq" (part 2)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=x3A6bbRKnX8&feature=related

"The situation of Turkmen in the North of Iraq" (part 3)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nBiB94g59zM

Türkmenlerin Dünyaya Sergiledikleri Belirsizlikler- Birinci Bölüm

Türkmenlerin Dünyaya Sergiledikleri Belirsizlikler- Birinci Bölüm
Orhan Ketene

2 Nisan 2009

İnsanlar belirsizliği sevmezler. Mesela bir mağazaya gidildiğinde fiyatı belirli eşyalar tercih edilir, fiyatsız olanlara ya bakılmaz veya en sonda bakılır.

Siyasettede durum aynıdır. Belirli olan konular kolayca anlaşılır ve hakkında karara çabuk varılır, belirsizler ise, ya daha sonra incelenmek üzere bir kenara itilir veya hepten bırakılır, çünkü insanların zihnini yorar.

Türkmenler uzun bir zaman dünyadan soyutlandılar, son 20 yıldan beri dünya, Türkmenleri hafif bir şekilde de olsa duymaya başladı. Ama çok belirsiz bir şekilde.Bu belirsizlik, dünyayı yöneten Batı ülkelerinde had safhaya varmış durumdadır. Zira onların gördüğü kadarıyla Türkmenlerin hemen hemen her şeyi belirsizdir.

Şöyle ki:

1- Türkmenlerin İngilizce adları belli değil:

Türkçe adları net bir şekilde belirli olmasına karşın (Tekil: Türkmen, Çoğul: Türkmenler). İngilizcede ise:

Tekil: Turkmen, Turkman, Turkoman, Turcoman, Trukman, Turukman, Turkuman, Torkeman....v.s. Çoğul: Turkmens, Turkmen, Turkmans, Turkomans, Turcomans, Turkomen, Turkomens, Turukmans, Turkumans......v.s.

2- Türkmenlerin şehir adlarının latince yazılışı belirsizdir:

Kerkuk, Karkuk, Kirkuk, Karkouk.

Telafer, Tel Afar, Talafar, Talla’far.

Musul, Mosul, Mousil, Mawsil.

Erbil, Arbil, Irbil.

Altun Kopru, Altun Kupri, Alton Kopru, Alton Kupri.

Tawukh, Tawuq, Tavuk, Tawoq, Daquq.

Tuz Khurmatu, Tuz Hurmatu, Toz Khurmatu, Toz Khormato.

Qara Teppe, Kara Tepe, Qara Tappa

Khaneqin, Hanekin, Khanaqeen.

Qizlarbat, Kizlarbat, Kizil Ribat, Sadiye.

Qaraghan, Karagan, Jalawla, Celevla.

3- Türkmenlerin nüfusu belirsizdir: 200.000, 400.000, 800.000, 1 milyon, 1.5 milyon, 2 milyon, 2.5 milyon, 3 milyon, 3.5 milyon, 4 milyon,....v.s. Dünya ansiklopedilerinde Türkmen nüfüsunu 200.000-3.5 milyon arası gösterirler ki bu bilgisayar çağında belirsizliğin en çarpıcı örneğidir.

4- Türkmenlerin haritası belirsizdir: Türkmenlerin Irakta yaşadığı bölge olan Türkmeneli’nin haritası konusunda, Iraktaki Türkmen yerleşim alanlarıyla, Milli Bölge birbirine karıştırılıyor. Bir görüşe göre Türkmeneli, tüm Musul bölgesidir, diğer görüşe göre Telaferden Mendeliye bir başka görüşe göre Bedreye uzanan bir çizgidir. Bu çizgi bazan kalınlaşıp, Türkmen şehirleri arasındaki Arap, Kürt ve Asuri bölgelerinide içerir. Bir başka görüşe göre Bağdat güneyindeki Kara Güllü oymağının yerleşim alanları olan Aziziye, İskenderiye bölgesinide içerir.

5- Türkmenlerin tarihi belirsizdir: bir görüşe göre: Sümerlerden gelmedirler (6000 yıl önce) başka görüşe göre: Sasan Fars imparatorluğu döneminde gelmişler ve orta Fıratta onlarca prenslikler kurmuşlar, Banuklular ve Batuklular gibi (1500+ yıl önce) Bir başka görüşe göre Emeviler bunları Basraya getirmişler (1300 yıl önce) Diğer bir görüşe göre Abbasiler (1200 yıl önce) bir başkasına göre Selçuklular döneminde gelmişler(950 yıl önce). Başkalarıda Safevilerin getirttiğini söyler. En sonuda Osmanlı 4. Murat tarafından getirtildiklerini söyler (360 yıl önce).

6- Türkmenlerin seçtiği siyasi gurup belirsizdir: Normalde, bir millet, özlemlerini yansıtan ve bu özlemleri gerçekleştirmeye çalışan siyasi bir örgütü seçer ve ona oyunu verir. Dolayısıyla bu örgüt o milletin hacmini gösterir. Ama 2003’ten bu yana yapılan seçimlerde, en büyük Türkmen siyasi kuruluşu olan ITC’ye gelen oylar hiçbir şekilde Türkmenlerin hacmini yansıtmamıştır. ITC’nin dışında bir sürü milliyetçi ve dinci partiler vardır ki ya seçimlere girmemişlerdir veya Arap partileriyle işbirliği yaparak sembolik milletvekillikleri almışlardır. Dolayısıyla, Türkmen oylarının gerçekten kimlere gittiği belirsizdir. ITC’nin bu kadar düşük oy alması hem Irakta hemde dünyada Türkmen görüntüsüne çok zarar vermektedir ve düşmanların, Türkmenlerin çok küçük bir azınlık oldukları savını desteklemektedir.

7- Türkmenlerin siyasi amacı belirsizdir: Kimisine göre Musul bölgesi olarak Türkiyeye bağlanmak, kimisine göre Iraka bağlı, eşit ortaklıklı üçlü Kuzey (Musul) federasyonunda özerk Türkmeneli hükümetini kurmak, bir diğerine göre Bağdada bağlı özerk Türkmeneli devletini kurmak. Başkasına göre üniter Irak içinde yerel hükümete sahip olmak, başkasına göre üniter Irak içinde nüfus sayısına orantılı olarak yönetimden pay almak. Bir diğeri ise millet neye karar verirse o olsun diyor. Bazısı, Kürtler ne aldıysa onu istediklerini, hele hele bazılarının amacı ise sadece Kürt düşmanlığıdır, hiç bir hak istemezler, sadece Kürt olmasın, yöneticileri ne olursa olsun diyorlar.

Bu kadar karışık ve çapraşık amaçlar sonucunda, siyasi gündem de karışık ve çelişkili oluyor. Kimisi Şii Araplara bağlanıyor, diğerleri Sünni Araplarla işbirliği içinde, bir kısmı ise dışarıdan medet bekliyor, geri kalanı ise “hele dur bir bakalım ne olur” deyip beklentiye geçiyor.

Bu kadar belirsizlikler gösteren bir toplumla kim ilgilenir ve kim uğraşır?

Türkmenler, dünyaya davalarını anlatmak ve kabul ettirmek istiyorlarsa, kendileriyle ilgili tüm konularda net ve kesin olmalılar ki karşılarındakiler onları anlasın ve tezlerini kabul etsinler.

Şurası bir gerçektir ki, belirsizlikler devam ettikçe, hem Türkmenler saygınlık kaybedecek hemde yabancılar Türkmenler hakkında bildiklerini okuyacaklar ve şimdiki kargaşa devam edecektir.Bu belirsizlikler bir an önce merçek altına alınmalı ve eldeki verilerin en doğruları seçilerek belirlenmelidirler.

Gelecek yazımızda bu belirsizliklere tek tek çözümleri yazacağız.

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