OYUN IÇINDE OYUN KERKÜK
Ali Kerküklü
Içindekiler
1. BÖLÜM - IRAK TÜRKLERI
2. BÖLÜM - IRAK KÜRTLERI VE SAHNELENEN OYUNLAR
KUM SAATI YAYINLARI
ISBN 975-6199-97-0
e-mail: info@kumsaatiyayincilik.com
lundi 28 juillet 2008
mercredi 23 juillet 2008
ELECTION CRISIS IN KERKUK IS ENDED
TÜRKMENELİ TV - The Iraqi parliament passed a provincial elections law last Tuesday despite a walkout by Kurdish lawmakers over the details regarding the disputed oil-rich city of Kerkuk.
Deputy Parliamentary Speaker Khalid al-Attiya said it is unlikely any provincial elections will be held this year considering the Kurdish lawmakers' protests.
Kurdish members of parliament have called for a referendum to determine who controls Kerkuk.
Other lawmakers have suggested a power-sharing agreement between the city's Arab, Turkmen and Kurdish residents - a plan that would hand more power to regions and lessen the oversight of the federal government in Baghdad.
Iraq’s parliament had failed many times to approve a draft provincial elections law on because of disagreement over what to do about voting in the disputed oil city of Kerkuk.
Arab residents in the ethnically diverse northern Iraqi city of Kerkuk, protested plans for postponement of the local elections on Tuesday.
The Iraqi parliament delayed a vote on the provincial elections law until Thursday, citing dispute over the status of Kerkuk where Turkmens, Arabs, Kurds, struggle for control over the administration.
The new local elections law was accepted by voting on the election law by one hundred and twenty-seven members of the House of Representatives out of one hundred and forty.
According to parliamentary sources, the item twenty-fourth from the law is concerned about Kerkuk province which provides the postponement of elections in the city and forming a committee comprising four members each from the three main components in Kerkuk and a member of Christians, two of key components of the Council members Deputies as representatives from the ministries of commerce, planning for supervision of the Interior and representatives from the United Nations and the Arab League for sharing civilian authorities, the executive, legislative and sovereign positions and posts in all institutions of Kerkuk, Bringing in military units from central and southern Iraq rather than military forces currently operating in Kerkuk during the Committee's work the problem with the emphasis on the exit of the armed political parties.
The demographic structure of Kerkuk, which is in fact a Turkmen city, has been systematically changed by Kurdish political parties in the area since 2003. However, this fact is being deliberately ignored by the Americans forces.
Kurds, who want to eliminate all the Turkmens from the political arena of Iraq, are doing their best to take control of the areas inhabited by Turkmens.
Their ultimate aim is to control all the oil reserves in the Mosul & Kerkuk area.
The systematic Arabisation process of the Turkmens was first started by the Iraqi government in the 1930s. This policy intensified during the reign of Saddam Hussein. Saddam Hussein implemented this Arabisation policy especially in the Kerkuk region where the majority of the population is Turkmen. On one hand Saddam Hussein settled lots of Arabs in Kerkuk while on the other hand he forced Turkmens living in the area to move to other parts of the country.
http://turkmenelitv.com/v5/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=2038&Itemid=43
Deputy Parliamentary Speaker Khalid al-Attiya said it is unlikely any provincial elections will be held this year considering the Kurdish lawmakers' protests.
Kurdish members of parliament have called for a referendum to determine who controls Kerkuk.
Other lawmakers have suggested a power-sharing agreement between the city's Arab, Turkmen and Kurdish residents - a plan that would hand more power to regions and lessen the oversight of the federal government in Baghdad.
Iraq’s parliament had failed many times to approve a draft provincial elections law on because of disagreement over what to do about voting in the disputed oil city of Kerkuk.
Arab residents in the ethnically diverse northern Iraqi city of Kerkuk, protested plans for postponement of the local elections on Tuesday.
The Iraqi parliament delayed a vote on the provincial elections law until Thursday, citing dispute over the status of Kerkuk where Turkmens, Arabs, Kurds, struggle for control over the administration.
The new local elections law was accepted by voting on the election law by one hundred and twenty-seven members of the House of Representatives out of one hundred and forty.
According to parliamentary sources, the item twenty-fourth from the law is concerned about Kerkuk province which provides the postponement of elections in the city and forming a committee comprising four members each from the three main components in Kerkuk and a member of Christians, two of key components of the Council members Deputies as representatives from the ministries of commerce, planning for supervision of the Interior and representatives from the United Nations and the Arab League for sharing civilian authorities, the executive, legislative and sovereign positions and posts in all institutions of Kerkuk, Bringing in military units from central and southern Iraq rather than military forces currently operating in Kerkuk during the Committee's work the problem with the emphasis on the exit of the armed political parties.
The demographic structure of Kerkuk, which is in fact a Turkmen city, has been systematically changed by Kurdish political parties in the area since 2003. However, this fact is being deliberately ignored by the Americans forces.
Kurds, who want to eliminate all the Turkmens from the political arena of Iraq, are doing their best to take control of the areas inhabited by Turkmens.
Their ultimate aim is to control all the oil reserves in the Mosul & Kerkuk area.
The systematic Arabisation process of the Turkmens was first started by the Iraqi government in the 1930s. This policy intensified during the reign of Saddam Hussein. Saddam Hussein implemented this Arabisation policy especially in the Kerkuk region where the majority of the population is Turkmen. On one hand Saddam Hussein settled lots of Arabs in Kerkuk while on the other hand he forced Turkmens living in the area to move to other parts of the country.
http://turkmenelitv.com/v5/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=2038&Itemid=43
Kerkük'te Çözüm Sinyali
Irak Parlamentosu, yerel seçim kanunu tasarısını Kürt İttifakı milletvekillerinin meclisi terk etmesine rağmen, oyladı ve kabul etti. Irak Parlamentosu, uzun zamandır tartışılan yerel seçimler yasa tasarısını kabul etti. Kürt İttifakı milletvekillerinin Meclis Başkanı Mahmud el Meşhedani'nin gizli oturum kararını protesto ederek meclisi terk ettiği oylamaya 140 vekil katıldı. Tasarıya 127 vekil 'evet' oyu verdi. Yasanın yürürlüğe girmesi için Cumhurbaşkanı Celal Talabani ve iki yardımcısı tarafından onaylanması gerekiyor. Cumhurbaşkanlığı Konseyi, tasarıyı tekrar görüşülmek üzere meclise iade edebiliyor.
Tasarının görüşülmesi sırasında en büyük tartışma Kerkük konusunda yaşandı. Kürt İttifakı milletvekilleri geçtiğimiz hafta, yerel seçimlerin Kerkük'te de yapılması gerektiğini vurgulamış, alternatif girişimleri protesto ederek meclisi terk etmişti. Türkmen ve Araplar 2003 yılındaki işgalin ardından kentteki demografik yapının ciddi biçimde değiştirildiğine dikkat çekerek, oylamanın Kerküklülerin iradesini yansıtmayacağını savunuyor. Kabul edilen yasa tasarısı Kerkük'teki Arap, Türkmen ve Kürt gruplardan her birinin yönetimde yüzde 32 oranında temsil edilmesini öngörüyor. Bu formülü birkaç ay önce Cumhurbaşkanı Celal Talabani kendisini ziyaret eden Türkmen heyetiyle görüşmesinde gündeme getirmişti. Türkiye'nin de desteklediği bu formüle önce sarı ışık yakan Kürt yetkililer, meclisteki görüşmeler sırasında blok halinde karşı çıktı.
Irak'ta yerel seçimlerin Eylül ayında yapılması planlanıyordu. Kabul edilen yasa tasarısı onaylansa bile seçimlerin en erken Aralık ayında yapılabileceği ifade ediliyor.
http://www.kerkukgazetesi.com/HaberDetay.aspx?Dil=1&Id=Hab633523605016250000&Konum=3
Tasarının görüşülmesi sırasında en büyük tartışma Kerkük konusunda yaşandı. Kürt İttifakı milletvekilleri geçtiğimiz hafta, yerel seçimlerin Kerkük'te de yapılması gerektiğini vurgulamış, alternatif girişimleri protesto ederek meclisi terk etmişti. Türkmen ve Araplar 2003 yılındaki işgalin ardından kentteki demografik yapının ciddi biçimde değiştirildiğine dikkat çekerek, oylamanın Kerküklülerin iradesini yansıtmayacağını savunuyor. Kabul edilen yasa tasarısı Kerkük'teki Arap, Türkmen ve Kürt gruplardan her birinin yönetimde yüzde 32 oranında temsil edilmesini öngörüyor. Bu formülü birkaç ay önce Cumhurbaşkanı Celal Talabani kendisini ziyaret eden Türkmen heyetiyle görüşmesinde gündeme getirmişti. Türkiye'nin de desteklediği bu formüle önce sarı ışık yakan Kürt yetkililer, meclisteki görüşmeler sırasında blok halinde karşı çıktı.
Irak'ta yerel seçimlerin Eylül ayında yapılması planlanıyordu. Kabul edilen yasa tasarısı onaylansa bile seçimlerin en erken Aralık ayında yapılabileceği ifade ediliyor.
http://www.kerkukgazetesi.com/HaberDetay.aspx?Dil=1&Id=Hab633523605016250000&Konum=3
mardi 22 juillet 2008
INDEPENDENT JOURNALIST KILLED IN KERKUK
Kurdish journalist killed in Iraq
The Associated Press
Tue, Jul 22, 2008 (1:54 a.m.)
Iraqi police say gunmen have killed a Kurdish journalist near the northern city of Kerkuk.
Soran Mama Hama, a 23-year-old reporter for the Kurdish-language magazine Leven, was shot late Monday. Police say the motive is unknown.
But the head of a local journalists' union blames the killing on gangs trying to silence reporters who want to expose corruption. Latif Satih Faraj calls the killing a "criminal act" aimed at halting "the free speech of independent journalists in Kerkuk."
The New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists says at least 129 journalists and 50 media support workers have been killed in Iraq since the U.S. invasion in 2003, not including the most recent death.
http://www.lasvegassun.com/news/2008/jul/22/kurdish-journalist-killed-in-iraq/
The Associated Press
Tue, Jul 22, 2008 (1:54 a.m.)
Iraqi police say gunmen have killed a Kurdish journalist near the northern city of Kerkuk.
Soran Mama Hama, a 23-year-old reporter for the Kurdish-language magazine Leven, was shot late Monday. Police say the motive is unknown.
But the head of a local journalists' union blames the killing on gangs trying to silence reporters who want to expose corruption. Latif Satih Faraj calls the killing a "criminal act" aimed at halting "the free speech of independent journalists in Kerkuk."
The New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists says at least 129 journalists and 50 media support workers have been killed in Iraq since the U.S. invasion in 2003, not including the most recent death.
http://www.lasvegassun.com/news/2008/jul/22/kurdish-journalist-killed-in-iraq/
IRAQI PARLIAMENT PASSES PROVINCIAL ELECTIONS LAW
By Reidar Visser (www.historiae.org)
22 July 2008
The law on the Iraqi provincial elections was passed by the Iraqi parliament on 22 July. The adopted text largely reflects earlier drafts that have been circulating for weeks and months, with certain important amendments and clarifications:
• The hybrid system of lists and individual candidacies (single-person lists) is maintained. The adoption of this system means that the focus to some extent shifts from parties to politicians: voters can vote for a party list, or a specific person on a party list, or an individual candidate on a single-person list. However, the counting rules with no transferability mechanisms for “redundant votes” (i.e. surplus votes that accrue when a single-person list has reached the necessary number of votes required to secure election) still create a certain bias towards the established parties, because only multi-person lists will accumulate “party scores” that can give them additional shares of the last remaining seats.
• The female quota remains purely aspirational and has been subjugated to the increased focus on individual candidacies: there is a requirement to the parties about nominating a certain proportion of women high on the lists, but this “enhanced visibility” notwithstanding many voters will vote for individuals on lists rather than the lists themselves. A murky paragraph authorising the electoral commission to take undefined steps to secure a 25 per cent female representation after the elections appears to have been removed.
• The ban on the use of religious symbols survives in a slightly more general version: the use of pictures or propaganda for persons who themselves are not candidates is disallowed. Hence any party that wishes an ayatollah to grace its elections poster needs to convince the cleric in question about the virtues of serving as a councillor in one of the Iraqi governorates. Also the ban on the use of places of worship for election campaigning purposes is upheld, alongside an unchanged and still highly hypocritical "ban" on the participation of parties who maintain militias.
• The explicit mention of the 1 October 2008 deadline has been removed, and options for dealing with delays have been expressly mentioned: the existing councils will in that case continue to serve. The requirement of conducting the elections in a single day remains.
• With this piece of legislation, the formal “Lebanonisation” of Iraq has reached an unprecedented magnitude. Elections for Kerkuk have been postponed, but a power-sharing formula for the interim period has been envisaged in which key positions will be distributed between Kurds, Turkmens, Arabs and Christians in accordance with a percentage formula of 32-32-32-4. Security forces from “the centre and the south” of Iraq will take charge of Kirkuk militarily in this period, while a committee of politicians will have until the end of the year to explore solutions to the conflict over the city. In a conundrum to Iraqi and Arab nationalists, it seems as if the insistence on the hated logic of quotas (muhasasa) in this case has been the most effective means of countering Kurdish nationalist ambitions.
• In a similar feast of ad hoc ethno-religious cake-sharing, the “final provisions” of the law allocate a certain number of “minority” seats in certain parts of Iraq, without specifying the procedures for their election. In Baghdad there will be three seats, presumably mostly for Christians; in Mosul 2 seats, specified for Yazidis and the Shabak respectively; in the Kurdish areas two seats in each governorate (likely to go to Christians), and in Basra one seat which will probably go to a Chaldean or a Sabaean.
In many ways, the current version of the law for the provincial elections serves to underline the growing confidence of a group of centralist Shiite politicians around Nuri al-Maliki. It challenges the Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq (ISCI) with the ban on the use of religious places of worship in elections campaign, while at the same time does not give the Kurds what they want regarding Kerkuk – Kurdish representatives ultimately abstained from the final vote, where some 127 out of 140 members of parliament reportedly supported the law. Interestingly, complaints about the voting procedure for the law itself prompted criticism from Kurds and UIA independent Khalid al-Atiyya alike, suggesting that the presidential veto may once more come into play in Iraqi politics in relation to this piece of legislation.
http://www.historiae.org/muhafazat.asp
22 July 2008
The law on the Iraqi provincial elections was passed by the Iraqi parliament on 22 July. The adopted text largely reflects earlier drafts that have been circulating for weeks and months, with certain important amendments and clarifications:
• The hybrid system of lists and individual candidacies (single-person lists) is maintained. The adoption of this system means that the focus to some extent shifts from parties to politicians: voters can vote for a party list, or a specific person on a party list, or an individual candidate on a single-person list. However, the counting rules with no transferability mechanisms for “redundant votes” (i.e. surplus votes that accrue when a single-person list has reached the necessary number of votes required to secure election) still create a certain bias towards the established parties, because only multi-person lists will accumulate “party scores” that can give them additional shares of the last remaining seats.
• The female quota remains purely aspirational and has been subjugated to the increased focus on individual candidacies: there is a requirement to the parties about nominating a certain proportion of women high on the lists, but this “enhanced visibility” notwithstanding many voters will vote for individuals on lists rather than the lists themselves. A murky paragraph authorising the electoral commission to take undefined steps to secure a 25 per cent female representation after the elections appears to have been removed.
• The ban on the use of religious symbols survives in a slightly more general version: the use of pictures or propaganda for persons who themselves are not candidates is disallowed. Hence any party that wishes an ayatollah to grace its elections poster needs to convince the cleric in question about the virtues of serving as a councillor in one of the Iraqi governorates. Also the ban on the use of places of worship for election campaigning purposes is upheld, alongside an unchanged and still highly hypocritical "ban" on the participation of parties who maintain militias.
• The explicit mention of the 1 October 2008 deadline has been removed, and options for dealing with delays have been expressly mentioned: the existing councils will in that case continue to serve. The requirement of conducting the elections in a single day remains.
• With this piece of legislation, the formal “Lebanonisation” of Iraq has reached an unprecedented magnitude. Elections for Kerkuk have been postponed, but a power-sharing formula for the interim period has been envisaged in which key positions will be distributed between Kurds, Turkmens, Arabs and Christians in accordance with a percentage formula of 32-32-32-4. Security forces from “the centre and the south” of Iraq will take charge of Kirkuk militarily in this period, while a committee of politicians will have until the end of the year to explore solutions to the conflict over the city. In a conundrum to Iraqi and Arab nationalists, it seems as if the insistence on the hated logic of quotas (muhasasa) in this case has been the most effective means of countering Kurdish nationalist ambitions.
• In a similar feast of ad hoc ethno-religious cake-sharing, the “final provisions” of the law allocate a certain number of “minority” seats in certain parts of Iraq, without specifying the procedures for their election. In Baghdad there will be three seats, presumably mostly for Christians; in Mosul 2 seats, specified for Yazidis and the Shabak respectively; in the Kurdish areas two seats in each governorate (likely to go to Christians), and in Basra one seat which will probably go to a Chaldean or a Sabaean.
In many ways, the current version of the law for the provincial elections serves to underline the growing confidence of a group of centralist Shiite politicians around Nuri al-Maliki. It challenges the Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq (ISCI) with the ban on the use of religious places of worship in elections campaign, while at the same time does not give the Kurds what they want regarding Kerkuk – Kurdish representatives ultimately abstained from the final vote, where some 127 out of 140 members of parliament reportedly supported the law. Interestingly, complaints about the voting procedure for the law itself prompted criticism from Kurds and UIA independent Khalid al-Atiyya alike, suggesting that the presidential veto may once more come into play in Iraqi politics in relation to this piece of legislation.
http://www.historiae.org/muhafazat.asp
KARADZIC LIVED FREELY IN BELGRADE USING FALSE IDENTITY AND DISGUISED
BBC:
Karadzic 'worked in Serb clinic'
Mr Karadzic lived freely in Belgrade using a false identity and disguised
Captured Bosnian Serb war crimes suspect Radovan Karadzic was practising alternative medicine and living in Serbia's capital, Belgrade.
He was working in a private clinic in a "very convincing disguise", sporting a long white beard, and calling himself Dragan Dabic, a Serb official said.
He was arrested on Monday near Belgrade after more than a decade on the run.
He is indicted by the UN tribunal for war crimes and genocide over the 1995 massacre at Srebrenica.
A judge has ordered Mr Karadzic's transfer to the UN war crimes court in The Hague, Serbia's war crimes prosecutor Vladimir Vukcevic said.
Mr Karadzic's lawyer, Sveta Vujacic, has said he will appeal the ruling; he has three days to do so.
THE CHARGES
Eleven counts of genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and other atrocities
Charged over the killing of some 12,000 civilians during the siege of Sarajevo
Allegedly organised the massacre of at least 7,500 Muslim men and youths in Srebrenica
Targeted Bosnian Muslim and Croat political leaders, intellectuals and professionals
Unlawfully deported and transferred civilians because of national or religious identity
Destroyed homes, businesses and sacred sites
Rasim Ljajic, the Serbian minister for relations with the international war crimes tribunal in The Hague, said Mr Karadzic had been living very convincingly as a non-Serbian citizen, using false papers.
"The fact that he was involved with alternative medicine, earning his money from practising alternative medicine, shows that he worked. He was working in a private practice and the last place where he had residence was New Belgrade," Mr Ljajic said at a news conference in Belgrade.
"[Mr Karadzic] walked around freely, even appeared in public places. The people who rented him the apartment did not know his true identity," Mr Vukcevic said.
Certain people who had been helping Mr Karadzic had been under surveillance for some time, the officials added.
They said the authorities did not want to reveal any more details of the Monday evening operation so as not to jeopardise efforts to arrest two other war crime suspects on the run, including Mr Karadzic's wartime military leader, Ratko Mladic.
Mr Karadzic had last been seen in public in eastern Bosnia in 1996 and was previously thought to have hidden in Serb controlled parts of Bosnia, Montenegro and Serbia.
Serbian officials give details of Mr Karadzic's capture
The arrest of Mr Karadzic and other indicted war criminals is one of the main conditions of Serbian progress towards European Union membership.
French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner, whose country holds the EU's rotating presidency, said a major obstacle to Serbian membership had been lifted.
Mr Karadzic denied the charges against him soon after the first indictment and refused to recognise the legitimacy of the UN tribunal.
The UN says Mr Karadzic's forces killed at least 7,500 Muslim men and boys from Srebrenica in July 1995 as part of a campaign to "terrorise and demoralise the Bosnian Muslim and Bosnian Croat population".
He was also charged over the shelling of Sarajevo, and the use of 284 UN peacekeepers as human shields in May and June 1995.
After the Dayton accord that ended the Bosnian war in late 1995, the former nationalist president went into hiding.
International pressure to catch Mr Karadzic mounted in spring 2005 when several of his former generals surrendered and a video of Bosnian Serb soldiers shooting captives from Srebrenica shocked television viewers in former Yugoslavia.
He had been a close ally of former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic, who was himself extradited to The Hague tribunal in 2001, but died in 2006, shortly before a verdict was due to be delivered in his case.
Juan Cole Comment: Der Spiegel Proves al-Maliki Story Correct
Senator Barack Obama is in Iraq for consultations with American military commanders and Iraqi leaders. Despite all the talk about Iraq being "calm," I'd like to point out that the month just before the last visit Barack Obama made to Iraq (he went in January, 2006), there were 537 civilian and ISF Iraqi casualties.
In June of this year, 2008, there were 554 according to AP. These are official statistics gathered passively that probably only capture about 10 percent of the true toll.That is, the Iraqi death toll is actually still worse now than the last time Obama was in Iraq! (See the bombings and shootings listed below for Sunday).
The hype around last year's troop escalation obscures a simple fact: that Obama formed his views about the need for the US to leave Iraq at a time when its security situation was very similar to what it is now! Why a return to the bad situation in late 05 and early 06 should be greeted by the GOP as the veritable coming of the Messiah is beyond me. You have people like Joe Lieberman saying silly things like if it weren't for the troop escalation, Obama wouldn't be able to visit Iraq. Uh, he visited it before the troop escalation, just fine.
The troop escalation, which actually allowed the ethnic cleansing of the Sunnis of Baghdad and the expulsion of hundreds of thousands of Iraqis from the country, has largely been pushed as propaganda by the White House and the AEI. Here's an example of how their propaganda works.
As is usual with news it does not like, the Bush administration attempted to muddy the waters this weekend regarding the interview of PM Nuri al-Maliki with Der Spiegel in which he expressed approval of Barack Obama's plan to get US troops out of Iraq within 16 months of next January. Al-Maliki told Der Spiegel in response to a question about how long US troops would be in his country,
'Maliki: As soon as possible, as far as we're concerned. U.S. presidential candidate Barack Obama talks about 16 months. That, we think, would be the right timeframe for a withdrawal, with the possibility of slight changes.
SPIEGEL: Is this an endorsement for the US presidential election in November? Does Obama, who has no military background, ultimately have a better understanding of Iraq than war hero John McCain?
Maliki: Those who operate on the premise of short time periods in Iraq today are being more realistic. Artificially prolonging the tenure of US troops in Iraq would cause problems. Of course, this is by no means an election endorsement. Who they choose as their president is the Americans' business. But it's the business of Iraqis to say what they want. '
Ali al-Dabbagh, who is usually described as al-Maliki's spokesman but actually seems to work for the CENTCOM or Pentagon Middle East command, was trotted out to make vague statements about Der Spiegel's having mistranslated or misinterpreted what al-Maliki said.
This denial was issued through CENTCOM! When the original demand came from al-Maliki for a timetable for US withdrawal, it was al-Dabbagh who reinterpreted it as a 'time horizon.' Al-Dabbagh was contradicted by National Security Counsellor Muwaffaq al-Rubaie, who seems actually closer in this thinking to al-Maliki. My guess is that al-Dabbagh has been recruited by some agency in Washington, DC, to explain away al-Maliki's statements whenever they contradict Bush's.Der Spiegel stood by its story.
The text of Der Spiegel's statement is here. It turns out that the translator involved works for al-Maliki, not for Der Spiegel, and so presumably knew what the prime minister's words meant in Arabic. And for the piece de resistance, it turns out that Der Spiegel has an audiotape of the Arabic of the interview, which they leaked to The New York Times. Sabrina Tavernise and Jeff Zeleny write:
' But the interpreter for the interview works for Mr. Maliki’s office, not the magazine. . . The following is a direct translation from the Arabic of Mr. Maliki’s comments by The Times: “Obama’s remarks that — if he takes office — in 16 months he would withdraw the forces, we think that this period could increase or decrease a little, but that it could be suitable to end the presence of the forces in Iraq.” He continued: “Who wants to exit in a quicker way has a better assessment of the situation in Iraq.” '
But you see, it does not matter that al-Maliki actually said what he said. It does not matter that Der Spiegel can prove it. All that matters is that the Goebbelses around Bush and Cheney have managed to muddy the waters and produce doubt, taking the hard edge off the interview. Even AFP, the usually skeptical French wire service, asserted that al-Maliki had "denied" the accuracy of the Der Spiegel interview!
Of course, al-Maliki has done no such thing. CENTCOM ventriloquising al-Dabbagh engaged in the denial, and a very vague one at that.
That is the way propaganda works, to obscure the truth and ensure it can be denied. Some wingnut even tried to pressure me to retract the little sentence I had written on the affair yesterday, on the grounds of "al-Dabbagh's" mendacious and ridiculous assertions. Our information system is so corrupt and easily manipulated that even a clumsy ploy can obscure the truth and bully the journalists.
In June of this year, 2008, there were 554 according to AP. These are official statistics gathered passively that probably only capture about 10 percent of the true toll.That is, the Iraqi death toll is actually still worse now than the last time Obama was in Iraq! (See the bombings and shootings listed below for Sunday).
The hype around last year's troop escalation obscures a simple fact: that Obama formed his views about the need for the US to leave Iraq at a time when its security situation was very similar to what it is now! Why a return to the bad situation in late 05 and early 06 should be greeted by the GOP as the veritable coming of the Messiah is beyond me. You have people like Joe Lieberman saying silly things like if it weren't for the troop escalation, Obama wouldn't be able to visit Iraq. Uh, he visited it before the troop escalation, just fine.
The troop escalation, which actually allowed the ethnic cleansing of the Sunnis of Baghdad and the expulsion of hundreds of thousands of Iraqis from the country, has largely been pushed as propaganda by the White House and the AEI. Here's an example of how their propaganda works.
As is usual with news it does not like, the Bush administration attempted to muddy the waters this weekend regarding the interview of PM Nuri al-Maliki with Der Spiegel in which he expressed approval of Barack Obama's plan to get US troops out of Iraq within 16 months of next January. Al-Maliki told Der Spiegel in response to a question about how long US troops would be in his country,
'Maliki: As soon as possible, as far as we're concerned. U.S. presidential candidate Barack Obama talks about 16 months. That, we think, would be the right timeframe for a withdrawal, with the possibility of slight changes.
SPIEGEL: Is this an endorsement for the US presidential election in November? Does Obama, who has no military background, ultimately have a better understanding of Iraq than war hero John McCain?
Maliki: Those who operate on the premise of short time periods in Iraq today are being more realistic. Artificially prolonging the tenure of US troops in Iraq would cause problems. Of course, this is by no means an election endorsement. Who they choose as their president is the Americans' business. But it's the business of Iraqis to say what they want. '
Ali al-Dabbagh, who is usually described as al-Maliki's spokesman but actually seems to work for the CENTCOM or Pentagon Middle East command, was trotted out to make vague statements about Der Spiegel's having mistranslated or misinterpreted what al-Maliki said.
This denial was issued through CENTCOM! When the original demand came from al-Maliki for a timetable for US withdrawal, it was al-Dabbagh who reinterpreted it as a 'time horizon.' Al-Dabbagh was contradicted by National Security Counsellor Muwaffaq al-Rubaie, who seems actually closer in this thinking to al-Maliki. My guess is that al-Dabbagh has been recruited by some agency in Washington, DC, to explain away al-Maliki's statements whenever they contradict Bush's.Der Spiegel stood by its story.
The text of Der Spiegel's statement is here. It turns out that the translator involved works for al-Maliki, not for Der Spiegel, and so presumably knew what the prime minister's words meant in Arabic. And for the piece de resistance, it turns out that Der Spiegel has an audiotape of the Arabic of the interview, which they leaked to The New York Times. Sabrina Tavernise and Jeff Zeleny write:
' But the interpreter for the interview works for Mr. Maliki’s office, not the magazine. . . The following is a direct translation from the Arabic of Mr. Maliki’s comments by The Times: “Obama’s remarks that — if he takes office — in 16 months he would withdraw the forces, we think that this period could increase or decrease a little, but that it could be suitable to end the presence of the forces in Iraq.” He continued: “Who wants to exit in a quicker way has a better assessment of the situation in Iraq.” '
But you see, it does not matter that al-Maliki actually said what he said. It does not matter that Der Spiegel can prove it. All that matters is that the Goebbelses around Bush and Cheney have managed to muddy the waters and produce doubt, taking the hard edge off the interview. Even AFP, the usually skeptical French wire service, asserted that al-Maliki had "denied" the accuracy of the Der Spiegel interview!
Of course, al-Maliki has done no such thing. CENTCOM ventriloquising al-Dabbagh engaged in the denial, and a very vague one at that.
That is the way propaganda works, to obscure the truth and ensure it can be denied. Some wingnut even tried to pressure me to retract the little sentence I had written on the affair yesterday, on the grounds of "al-Dabbagh's" mendacious and ridiculous assertions. Our information system is so corrupt and easily manipulated that even a clumsy ploy can obscure the truth and bully the journalists.
lundi 21 juillet 2008
SPIEGEL INTERVIEW WITH IRAQ LEADER NOURI AL-MALIKI
'The Tenure of Coalition Troops in Iraq Should Be Limited'
The situation in Iraq seems to be improving. SPIEGEL spoke with Iraqi Prime Minister al-Maliki about his approval of Barack Obama's withdrawal plans and what he hopes from US President Bush in his last months in office.
SPIEGEL: Mr. Prime Minister, the war and its consequences have cost more than 100,000 lives and caused great suffering in your country. Saddam Hussein and his regime are now part of the past. Was all of this worth the price?
Maliki: The casualties have been and continue to be enormous. But anyone who was familiar with the dictator's nature and his intentions knows what could have been in store for us instead of this war. Saddam waged wars against Iran and Kuwait, and against Iraqis in the north and south of his own country, wars in which hundreds of thousands died. And he was capable of instigating even more wars. Yes, the casualties are great, but I see our struggle as an enormous effort to avoid other such wars in the future.
SPIEGEL: Germany was opposed to the war. German Economics Minister Michael Glos was in Baghdad the week before last, Daimler AG plans to build trucks in Iraq, and you will travel to Berlin this week. Has everything been smoothed out between Germany and Iraq?
Maliki: We want closer relations, and it is my impression that the Germans -- the government, the people and German companies -- want the same thing. Our task is to rebuild a country, and the Germans are famous for effective and efficient work. We have great confidence in them and want to involve them in the development of our country.
SPIEGEL: And there is truly no resentment against a country that opposed the war in 2003?
Maliki: We do not judge our partners on the basis of whether or not they were militarily involved in toppling Saddam. The decisions back then corresponded to the national will of the countries, and we respect that.
SPIEGEL: What exactly do you expect from the Germans and from German companies?
Maliki: We want to get to know them, and we want to know what they want -- and the things they fear when thinking about Iraq. We have to start over again in many areas, including oil production, the development of the power grid and all industries. There is much to be done.
SPIEGEL: What do you expect from the Germans, politically and militarily? The Bundeswehr (German Armed Forces) occasionally trains Iraqi security forces -- but only in neighboring countries.
Maliki: What matters most to us is that we develop resilient political relationships and work together economically. Our security forces are steadily improving, partly as a result of German efforts. We will be pleased to turn to the Germans to equip our police and military; and should there be new training programs with the German Bundeswehr, we will be happy to accept their help. However, we would clearly prefer that the training take place in Iraq in the future. Overall, I believe that we are gradually becoming self-sufficient.
SPIEGEL: Three weeks ago, your government filed a civil lawsuit in New York against companies that allegedly paid bribes to officials in the Saddam regime. The defendants include three German companies: Daimler and Braun Melsungen and a number of Siemens affiliates. How is this compatible with your overtures to German industry?
Maliki: We are in negotiations with Siemens for the construction of power plants, which shows just how serious we are. Whether the suit you mention succeeds will be for the courts to decide. Under no circumstances will the consequence be that we no longer wish to work with the companies in question.
SPIEGEL: Large parts of Iraq's assets abroad remain frozen -- and inaccessible to creditors. Now, victims of the Saddam dictatorship want that money to go towards reparations. What will happen to this money when the UN Security Council mandate for Iraq expires at the end of this year?
Maliki: We have hired several international law firms to deal with these assets. At the moment, they are protected by UN resolutions, American law and the personal commitment of President George W. Bush -- and we want this protection to remain in place after the end of UN mandate on Iraq. We consider the claims being lodged against this money to be unjustified. Iraq cannot be punished for crimes that were committed by the dictator. This is very important to us, and a key aspect of our negotiations over the future status of US troops in Iraq.
SPIEGEL: Germany, after World War II, was also liberated from a tyrant by a US-led coalition. That was 63 years ago, and today there are still American military bases and soldiers in Germany. How do you feel about this model?
Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki says it is time for the Americans to commit to a withdrawal timetable.
Maliki: Iraq can learn from Germany's experiences, but the situation is not truly comparable. Back then Germany waged a war that changed the world. Today, we in Iraq want to establish a timeframe for the withdrawal of international troops -- and it should be short. At the same time, we would like to see the establishment of a long-term strategic treaty with the United States, which would govern the basic aspects of our economic and cultural relations. However, I wish to re-emphasize that our security agreement should remain in effect in the short term.
SPIEGEL: How short-term? Are you hoping for a new agreement before the end of the Bush administration?
Maliki: So far the Americans have had trouble agreeing to a concrete timetable for withdrawal, because they feel it would appear tantamount to an admission of defeat. But that isn't the case at all. If we come to an agreement, it is not evidence of a defeat, but of a victory, of a severe blow we have inflicted on al-Qaida and the militias. The American lead negotiators realize this now, and that's why I expect to see an agreement taking shape even before the end of President Bush's term in office. With these negotiations, we will start the whole thing over again, on a clearer, better basis, because the first proposals were unacceptable to us.
SPIEGEL: Immunity for the US troops is apparently the central issue.
Maliki: It is a fundamental problem for us that it should not be possible, in my country, to prosecute offences or crimes committed by US soldiers against our population. But other issues are no less important: How much longer will these soldiers remain in our country? How much authority do they have? Who controls how many, soldiers enter and leave the country and where they do so?
SPIEGEL: Would you hazard a prediction as to when most of the US troops will finally leave Iraq?
'The Tenure of Coalition Troops in Iraq Should Be Limited'
Part 2: 'As Soon as Possible'
Maliki: As soon as possible, as far as we're concerned. U.S. presidential candidate Barack Obama talks about 16 months. That, we think, would be the right timeframe for a withdrawal, with the possibility of slight changes.
SPIEGEL: Is this an endorsement for the US presidential election in November? Does Obama, who has no military background, ultimately have a better understanding of Iraq than war hero John McCain?
Maliki: Those who operate on the premise of short time periods in Iraq today are being more realistic. Artificially prolonging the tenure of US troops in Iraq would cause problems. Of course, this is by no means an election endorsement. Who they choose as their president is the Americans' business. But it's the business of Iraqis to say what they want. And that's where the people and the government are in general agreement: The tenure of the coalition troops in Iraq should be limited.
SPIEGEL: In your opinion, which factor has contributed most to bringing calm to the situation in the country?
Maliki: There are many factors, but I see them in the following order. First, there is the political rapprochement we have managed to achieve in central Iraq. This has enabled us, above all, to pull the plug on al-Qaida. Second, there is the progress being made by our security forces. Third, there is the deep sense of abhorrence with which the population has reacted to the atrocities of al-Qaida and the militias. Finally, of course, there is the economic recovery.
SPIEGEL: Critics have accused you of striking harshly against the Mahdi army of Shiite leader Muqtada al-Sadr, while going easy on his rival Ayatollah Mohammed Baqir al-Hakim's Badr militia.
Maliki: That's not true. We proceed just as firmly against anyone who breaks the law. Just a few days ago, we had an incident with a group associated with the Badr people. The army moved in immediately and arrested them all. No one was spared. The punishment is based purely on the nature of the crime, not on the identity of the criminal.
SPIEGEL: In southern Iraq, where you come from, you have been compared with Saddam Hussein when it comes to harshness.
Maliki: That's the sort of thing that people say who don't understand how urgently Iraq needs stability -- or these people prefer instability. We don't want to spread fear and terror in Iraq. We have, for example, given the militias several deadlines to hand over their weapons. Their resistance was tremendous, so we had to oppose them with tremendous force of our own.
SPIEGEL: What role do you envision for your chief rival, Muqtada al-Sadr? Can there ever be national reconciliation in Iraq without his participation?
Maliki: You can only reconcile with someone who wants to reconcile. His Excellency Muqtada al-Sadr can be a political partner, especially if, to that end, he draws on the great spiritual legacy he has inherited from his ancestors. He has understood that his following was eventually infiltrated by criminal elements, by men from the former regime, al-Qaida people and others. The fact that he is now in the process of systematically separating himself from these elements makes him even stronger as a political partner. As a politician, I might add, not as a militia leader.
SPIEGEL: You spent part of your exile in Iran, and you have visited the country several times since you took office. Can you explain to us what the leaders in Tehran are up to? Are they building a nuclear bomb? Do you see this as a serious threat?
Maliki: I have not been made privy to the details of the Iranian nuclear program. Iranian representatives assure us, however, that this program serves peaceful purposes. Even if Tehran wanted to develop a nuclear weapon, it would take a very long time, simply from a technical standpoint. It is obvious that our region is far too fragile for even a single country to possess nuclear weapons, because it will always be an incentive for other countries to also build their own.
SPIEGEL: Exactly 50 years ago, the monarchy in Iraq was overthrown and a republic established. But we didn't see any celebration of this event at all. What does that day mean for the history of Iraq?
Maliki: There may have been people who celebrated. But certainly not all Iraqis. On July 14, 1958, and era came to an end, but what came afterwards didn't live up to our expectations and hopes. What came were decades of military putsches and the dictatorship. We are still dealing with the aftermath today.
SPIEGEL: Mr. Prime Minister, your job is probably one of the most dangerous a politician can have. How do you cope with this, and what do you do to make it bearable?
Maliki: I lead a very simple life -- one that is shaped by external forces, which is apparently what fate has determined for us Iraqis. In that regard, the past few decades of dictatorship have not changed all that much. What keeps me going? The constant exertion of my job -- and the successes we are now having. It means a lot to me to see how much closer we are today to a democratic Iraq, one that respects human rights, than we were only a few months ago.
SPIEGEL: Mr. Prime Minister, thank you for taking the time to speak with us.
Interview conducted by Mathias Müller von Blumencron and Bernard Zand in Baghdad
http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,566852,00.html
The situation in Iraq seems to be improving. SPIEGEL spoke with Iraqi Prime Minister al-Maliki about his approval of Barack Obama's withdrawal plans and what he hopes from US President Bush in his last months in office.
SPIEGEL: Mr. Prime Minister, the war and its consequences have cost more than 100,000 lives and caused great suffering in your country. Saddam Hussein and his regime are now part of the past. Was all of this worth the price?
Maliki: The casualties have been and continue to be enormous. But anyone who was familiar with the dictator's nature and his intentions knows what could have been in store for us instead of this war. Saddam waged wars against Iran and Kuwait, and against Iraqis in the north and south of his own country, wars in which hundreds of thousands died. And he was capable of instigating even more wars. Yes, the casualties are great, but I see our struggle as an enormous effort to avoid other such wars in the future.
SPIEGEL: Germany was opposed to the war. German Economics Minister Michael Glos was in Baghdad the week before last, Daimler AG plans to build trucks in Iraq, and you will travel to Berlin this week. Has everything been smoothed out between Germany and Iraq?
Maliki: We want closer relations, and it is my impression that the Germans -- the government, the people and German companies -- want the same thing. Our task is to rebuild a country, and the Germans are famous for effective and efficient work. We have great confidence in them and want to involve them in the development of our country.
SPIEGEL: And there is truly no resentment against a country that opposed the war in 2003?
Maliki: We do not judge our partners on the basis of whether or not they were militarily involved in toppling Saddam. The decisions back then corresponded to the national will of the countries, and we respect that.
SPIEGEL: What exactly do you expect from the Germans and from German companies?
Maliki: We want to get to know them, and we want to know what they want -- and the things they fear when thinking about Iraq. We have to start over again in many areas, including oil production, the development of the power grid and all industries. There is much to be done.
SPIEGEL: What do you expect from the Germans, politically and militarily? The Bundeswehr (German Armed Forces) occasionally trains Iraqi security forces -- but only in neighboring countries.
Maliki: What matters most to us is that we develop resilient political relationships and work together economically. Our security forces are steadily improving, partly as a result of German efforts. We will be pleased to turn to the Germans to equip our police and military; and should there be new training programs with the German Bundeswehr, we will be happy to accept their help. However, we would clearly prefer that the training take place in Iraq in the future. Overall, I believe that we are gradually becoming self-sufficient.
SPIEGEL: Three weeks ago, your government filed a civil lawsuit in New York against companies that allegedly paid bribes to officials in the Saddam regime. The defendants include three German companies: Daimler and Braun Melsungen and a number of Siemens affiliates. How is this compatible with your overtures to German industry?
Maliki: We are in negotiations with Siemens for the construction of power plants, which shows just how serious we are. Whether the suit you mention succeeds will be for the courts to decide. Under no circumstances will the consequence be that we no longer wish to work with the companies in question.
SPIEGEL: Large parts of Iraq's assets abroad remain frozen -- and inaccessible to creditors. Now, victims of the Saddam dictatorship want that money to go towards reparations. What will happen to this money when the UN Security Council mandate for Iraq expires at the end of this year?
Maliki: We have hired several international law firms to deal with these assets. At the moment, they are protected by UN resolutions, American law and the personal commitment of President George W. Bush -- and we want this protection to remain in place after the end of UN mandate on Iraq. We consider the claims being lodged against this money to be unjustified. Iraq cannot be punished for crimes that were committed by the dictator. This is very important to us, and a key aspect of our negotiations over the future status of US troops in Iraq.
SPIEGEL: Germany, after World War II, was also liberated from a tyrant by a US-led coalition. That was 63 years ago, and today there are still American military bases and soldiers in Germany. How do you feel about this model?
Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki says it is time for the Americans to commit to a withdrawal timetable.
Maliki: Iraq can learn from Germany's experiences, but the situation is not truly comparable. Back then Germany waged a war that changed the world. Today, we in Iraq want to establish a timeframe for the withdrawal of international troops -- and it should be short. At the same time, we would like to see the establishment of a long-term strategic treaty with the United States, which would govern the basic aspects of our economic and cultural relations. However, I wish to re-emphasize that our security agreement should remain in effect in the short term.
SPIEGEL: How short-term? Are you hoping for a new agreement before the end of the Bush administration?
Maliki: So far the Americans have had trouble agreeing to a concrete timetable for withdrawal, because they feel it would appear tantamount to an admission of defeat. But that isn't the case at all. If we come to an agreement, it is not evidence of a defeat, but of a victory, of a severe blow we have inflicted on al-Qaida and the militias. The American lead negotiators realize this now, and that's why I expect to see an agreement taking shape even before the end of President Bush's term in office. With these negotiations, we will start the whole thing over again, on a clearer, better basis, because the first proposals were unacceptable to us.
SPIEGEL: Immunity for the US troops is apparently the central issue.
Maliki: It is a fundamental problem for us that it should not be possible, in my country, to prosecute offences or crimes committed by US soldiers against our population. But other issues are no less important: How much longer will these soldiers remain in our country? How much authority do they have? Who controls how many, soldiers enter and leave the country and where they do so?
SPIEGEL: Would you hazard a prediction as to when most of the US troops will finally leave Iraq?
'The Tenure of Coalition Troops in Iraq Should Be Limited'
Part 2: 'As Soon as Possible'
Maliki: As soon as possible, as far as we're concerned. U.S. presidential candidate Barack Obama talks about 16 months. That, we think, would be the right timeframe for a withdrawal, with the possibility of slight changes.
SPIEGEL: Is this an endorsement for the US presidential election in November? Does Obama, who has no military background, ultimately have a better understanding of Iraq than war hero John McCain?
Maliki: Those who operate on the premise of short time periods in Iraq today are being more realistic. Artificially prolonging the tenure of US troops in Iraq would cause problems. Of course, this is by no means an election endorsement. Who they choose as their president is the Americans' business. But it's the business of Iraqis to say what they want. And that's where the people and the government are in general agreement: The tenure of the coalition troops in Iraq should be limited.
SPIEGEL: In your opinion, which factor has contributed most to bringing calm to the situation in the country?
Maliki: There are many factors, but I see them in the following order. First, there is the political rapprochement we have managed to achieve in central Iraq. This has enabled us, above all, to pull the plug on al-Qaida. Second, there is the progress being made by our security forces. Third, there is the deep sense of abhorrence with which the population has reacted to the atrocities of al-Qaida and the militias. Finally, of course, there is the economic recovery.
SPIEGEL: Critics have accused you of striking harshly against the Mahdi army of Shiite leader Muqtada al-Sadr, while going easy on his rival Ayatollah Mohammed Baqir al-Hakim's Badr militia.
Maliki: That's not true. We proceed just as firmly against anyone who breaks the law. Just a few days ago, we had an incident with a group associated with the Badr people. The army moved in immediately and arrested them all. No one was spared. The punishment is based purely on the nature of the crime, not on the identity of the criminal.
SPIEGEL: In southern Iraq, where you come from, you have been compared with Saddam Hussein when it comes to harshness.
Maliki: That's the sort of thing that people say who don't understand how urgently Iraq needs stability -- or these people prefer instability. We don't want to spread fear and terror in Iraq. We have, for example, given the militias several deadlines to hand over their weapons. Their resistance was tremendous, so we had to oppose them with tremendous force of our own.
SPIEGEL: What role do you envision for your chief rival, Muqtada al-Sadr? Can there ever be national reconciliation in Iraq without his participation?
Maliki: You can only reconcile with someone who wants to reconcile. His Excellency Muqtada al-Sadr can be a political partner, especially if, to that end, he draws on the great spiritual legacy he has inherited from his ancestors. He has understood that his following was eventually infiltrated by criminal elements, by men from the former regime, al-Qaida people and others. The fact that he is now in the process of systematically separating himself from these elements makes him even stronger as a political partner. As a politician, I might add, not as a militia leader.
SPIEGEL: You spent part of your exile in Iran, and you have visited the country several times since you took office. Can you explain to us what the leaders in Tehran are up to? Are they building a nuclear bomb? Do you see this as a serious threat?
Maliki: I have not been made privy to the details of the Iranian nuclear program. Iranian representatives assure us, however, that this program serves peaceful purposes. Even if Tehran wanted to develop a nuclear weapon, it would take a very long time, simply from a technical standpoint. It is obvious that our region is far too fragile for even a single country to possess nuclear weapons, because it will always be an incentive for other countries to also build their own.
SPIEGEL: Exactly 50 years ago, the monarchy in Iraq was overthrown and a republic established. But we didn't see any celebration of this event at all. What does that day mean for the history of Iraq?
Maliki: There may have been people who celebrated. But certainly not all Iraqis. On July 14, 1958, and era came to an end, but what came afterwards didn't live up to our expectations and hopes. What came were decades of military putsches and the dictatorship. We are still dealing with the aftermath today.
SPIEGEL: Mr. Prime Minister, your job is probably one of the most dangerous a politician can have. How do you cope with this, and what do you do to make it bearable?
Maliki: I lead a very simple life -- one that is shaped by external forces, which is apparently what fate has determined for us Iraqis. In that regard, the past few decades of dictatorship have not changed all that much. What keeps me going? The constant exertion of my job -- and the successes we are now having. It means a lot to me to see how much closer we are today to a democratic Iraq, one that respects human rights, than we were only a few months ago.
SPIEGEL: Mr. Prime Minister, thank you for taking the time to speak with us.
Interview conducted by Mathias Müller von Blumencron and Bernard Zand in Baghdad
http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,566852,00.html
Le pétrole, évidemment, par Noam Chomsky (traduction)
11 juillet 2008
« Des négociations sont en cours avec Exxon Mobil, Shell, Total et BP - qui étaient il y a des décennies de cela les participants initiaux dans l’Iraq Petroleum Company, maintenant rejoints par Chevron et d’autres petites compagnies pétrolières - pour renouveler la concession pétrolière qu’ils avaient perdu lors de la nationalisation intervenue à l’époque où les pays producteurs de pétrole avaient repris le contrôle de leurs ressources. Ces contrats sans appel d’offre, apparemment rédigés par les sociétés pétrolières avec l’aide de responsables américains, l’ont emporté sur les propositions de plus de 40 autres entreprises, y compris Chinoises, Indiennes et Russes. »
par Noam Chomsky, Khaleej Times, 8 juillet 2008
Les négociations relatives au renouvellement des concessions pétrolières, perdues lors des nationalisations qui ont permis aux pays producteurs de récupérer le contrôle de leurs propres ressources, vont bon train pour Exxon Mobil, Shell, Total et BP. Ces partenaires originels au sein de la Compagnie Pétrolifère Irakienne sont désormais rejoints par Chevron et d’autres compagnies pétrolières de plus petite taille. Ces contrats négociés sans mise en concurrence, apparemment rédigés par les compagnies pétrolières avec l’aide des officiels américains, ont été préférés aux offres formulées par plus de 40 autres sociétés, notamment chinoises, indiennes et russes.
« Le monde arabe et certaines parties de la population américaine soupçonnaient que les Etats-Unis étaient entrés en guerre précisément pour sécuriser la manne pétrolière que ces contrats cherchent à extraire » a écrit Andrew E. Kramer dans le New York Times. La référence de Kramer à un soupçon est un euphémisme. Il est par ailleurs des plus vraisemblables que l’occupation militaire a elle-même impulsé la restauration d’une Compagnie Pétrolifère Iraquienne haïe, installée à l’époque de la domination britannique afin de « se repaître de la richesse de l’Irak dans le cadre d’un accord notoirement déséquilibré », comme l’écrit Seamus Milne dans le London Guardian.
Les derniers rapports évoquent des retards dans la soumission des offres. L’essentiel se déroule sous le sceau du secret, et il ne serait pas surprenant de voir de nouveaux scandales apparaître.
La demande pourrait difficilement être plus pressante. L’Irak recèle peut-être la seconde réserve mondiale de pétrole, qui se caractérise de surcroît par de faibles coûts d’extraction : pas de permafrost ni de sables bitumineux à franchir, pas de forage en eaux profondes à entreprendre.
Pour les planificateurs américains, il est impératif que l’Irak demeure, dans la mesure du possible, sous le contrôle des Etats-Unis, comme un Etat client docile à même d’accueillir des bases militaires en plein cœur de la première réserve énergétique mondiale. Qu’il s’agisse là des objectifs premiers de l’invasion a toujours été clair, malgré le rideau de fumée des prétextes successifs : Armes de destruction massive, liens de Saddam avec Al-Qaeda, promotion de la démocratie et guerre contre le terrorisme - lequel, comme c’était prévisible, s’est radicalement développé du fait même de l’invasion.
En novembre dernier, ces préoccupations sont devenues explicites lorsque le Président Bush et le Premier ministre iraquien, Nouri Al Maliki, signèrent une « Déclaration de principe », en totale méconnaissance des prérogatives du Congrès américain et du Parlement irakien aussi bien que de l’opinion des populations concernées de part et d’autre.
Cette Déclaration permet une présence militaire américaine indéfinie en Irak, en cohérence avec l’édification en cours de gigantesques bases aériennes dans tout le pays, et de « l’ambassade » à Bagdad, une ville dans la ville, sans aucun équivalent dans le monde. Tout ceci n’est pas construit pour être ensuite abandonné.
La déclaration recèle également une affirmation éhontée quant à l’exploitation des ressources de l’Irak. Elle affirme que l’économie irakienne, c’est-à-dire ses ressources pétrolières, doit être ouverte aux investissements étrangers, « spécialement américains ». Nous ne sommes en fait pas loin d’annoncer que nous devons vous envahir pour contrôler votre pays et disposer d’un accès privilégié à vos ressources.
Le sérieux de ces intentions a été souligné par le « signing statement » [1] du Président Bush déclarant qu’il rejetterait tout texte du Congrès susceptible de restreindre le financement propre à permettre « l’établissement de toute installation ou base militaire nécessaire à l’approvisionnement des Forces Américaines stationnant de manière permanente en Irak » ou le « contrôle des ressources pétrolières irakiennes par les Etats-Unis ».
Le recours extensif aux « signing statements » permettant au pouvoir exécutif d’étendre son pouvoir constitue une autre des innovations pratiques de l’administration Bush, condamnée par l’American Bar Association [2] comme « contraire à l’Etat de droit et à la séparation constitutionnelle des pouvoirs. »
Sans surprise, la déclaration a provoqué des protestations immédiates en Irak, entre autre des syndicats irakiens, qui survivent malgré les rudes lois anti-syndicales, instituées par Saddam et maintenues par l’occupant.
Selon la propagande de Washington, c’est l’Iran qui menace la domination américaine en Irak. Les problèmes américains en Irak sont tous imputés à l’Iran. Le Secrétaire d’Etat Condoleezza Rice suggère une solution simple : « les forces étrangères » et les « armes étrangères » devraient être retirées d’Irak - celles de l’Iran, pas les nôtres.
La confrontation quant au programme nucléaire iranien renforce encore les tensions. La politique de « changement de régime » conduite par l’administration Bush au sujet de l’Iran s’accompagne de la menace du recours à la force (sur ce point Bush n’est contredit par aucun des deux candidats à sa succession). Cette politique légitime également le terrorisme en territoire iranien. La majorité des américains préfèrent la voie diplomatique et s’opposent à l’usage de la force, mais l’opinion publique est peu susceptible d’être prise en compte dans la définition des politiques appliquées, et pas seulement dans ce cas.
L’ironie veut que l’Irak se transforme peu à peu en un condominium américano-iranien. Le gouvernement Maliki est la composante de la société irakienne soutenue la plus activement par l’Iran. La soi-disant armée irakienne - juste une milice parmi d’autres - est largement constituée de la brigade Badr, entraînée en Iran et qui s’est illustrée du côté iranien lors de la guerre Iran-Irak.
Nir Rosen, un des correspondants les plus astucieux présents sur place et fin connaisseur de la région, relève que la cible principale des opérations militaires menées conjointement par les Etats-Unis et Maliki, Moktada Al Sadr, ne recueille pas davantage les faveurs de l’Iran : indépendante et bénéficiant du soutien populaire, cette faction est dangereuse pour ce dernier.
L’Iran, selon Rosen, a « clairement soutenu le Premier ministre Maliki et le gouvernement irakien, lors du récent conflit à Bassora, contre ce qu’ils décrivent comme ‘les groupes armés illégaux’ (de l’armée de Moktada Mahdi) », « ce qui n’est pas surprenant dès lors que leur principal faux-nez en Irak, le Conseil Islamique Irakien Suprême, soutien essentiel du gouvernement Maliki, domine l’Etat irakien. »
« Il n’y a pas de guerre par procuration en Irak », conclut Rosen, « car Etats-Unis et Iran partagent le même faux-nez ».
Nous pouvons présumer que Téhéran apprécie de voir les Etats-Unis installer et soutenir un gouvernement irakien réceptif à son influence. Pour le peuple irakien cependant, ce gouvernement constitue toujours un désastre, et est probablement appelé à leur nuire davantage.
En termes de relations étrangères, Steven Simon relève que la stratégie contre insurrectionnelle actuelle des Etats-Unis « alimente les trois menaces pesant traditionnellement sur la stabilité des Etats du Moyen-Orient : le tribalisme, les chefs de guerre et le sectarisme. » Ceci pourrait déboucher sur l’apparition d’un « Etat fort et centralisé, dirigé par une junte militaire qui pourrait ressembler » au régime de Saddam. Si Washington parvient à ses fins, alors ses actions sont justifiées. Les actes de Vladimir Putin, lorsqu’il parvient à pacifier la Tchétchénie d’une manière bien plus convaincante que le Général David Petraeus en Irak, suscitent pourtant des commentaires d’un tout autre acabit. Mais ce sont EUX, nous sommes les Etats-Unis. Les critères sont donc nécessairement totalement différents.
Aux Etats-Unis, les Démocrates sont réduits au silence par le prétendu succès de l’offensive militaire américaine en Irak. Mais leur silence trahit leur absence d’opposition de principe à la guerre. Selon leur manière de voir le monde, le fait de parvenir à ses fins justifie la guerre et l’occupation. Les doux contrats pétrolifères sont obtenus en même temps que le territoire.
En fait, l’invasion dans son ensemble constitue un crime de guerre -crime international suprême, qui diffère des autres crimes de guerre en ce qu’il génère, selon les termes mêmes du jugement de Nuremberg, tout le mal causé ensuite. Ceci compte au nombre des sujets impossibles à aborder que ce soit à l’occasion de la campagne présidentielle ou dans un autre cadre. Pourquoi sommes-nous en Irak ? Quelle est notre dette envers les irakiens pour avoir détruit leur pays ? La majorité du peuple américain souhaite le retrait des troupes américaines d’Irak. Sa voix a-t-elle une importance ?
Publication originale Khaleej Times via Information Clearing House, traduction Louis Stella pour Contre Info http://contreinfo.info/article.php3?id_article=2125
dimanche 20 juillet 2008
CRUDE DESIGNS: The rip-off of Iraq's Oil Wealth
Crude Designs: The rip-off of Iraq's oil wealthDownloads:
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Control of Iraq's future oil wealth is being handed to multinational oil companies through long-term contracts that will cost Iraq hundreds of billions of dollars.
'Crude Designs: The Rip-Off of Iraq's Oil Wealth' reveals that current Iraqi oil policy will allocate the development of at least 64% of Iraq’s reserves to foreign oil companies. Iraq has the world’s third largest oil reserves.
Figures published in the report for the first time show:
• the estimated cost to Iraq over the life of the new oil contracts is $74 to $194 billion, compared with leaving oil development in public hands. These sums represent between two and seven times the current Iraqi state budget.
• the contracts would guarantee massive profits to foreign companies, with rates of return of 42% to 162%.
The kinds of contracts that will provide these returns are known as production sharing agreements (PSAs). PSAs have been heavily promoted by the US government and oil majors and have the backing of senior figures in the Iraqi Oil Ministry. Britain has also encouraged Iraq to open its oilfields to foreign investment.
However PSAs last for 25-40 years, are usually secret and prevent governments from later altering the terms of the contract.
Crude Designs is co-published with Global Policy Forum, War on Want, NEF, Oil Change and The Institute for Policy Studies (IPS)
Places »
Iraq - النفط في العراق
IRAQ: Incentives announced to encourage return of IDPs, refugees
BAGHDAD, 20 July 2008 (IRIN) -
The Iraqi government has adopted a number of measures aimed at encouraging the return of over four million internally displaced persons (IDPs) and refugees to their homes, a government statement has said. The most significant measure is the one-off payment of 1.8 million Iraqi dinars (about US$1,500) to families who are illegally occupying the houses of other displaced families from a different sect and who want to return to their homes, the statement said on 16 July.
The aim is to help those families to rent other places, the statement said. All IDPs or refugees willing to return to their houses will be paid one million Iraqi dinars (about $840), it said.
Another measure stipulates an additional monthly payment of 150,000 Iraqi dinars (about $145) to each internally displaced family which has not yet returned to its home. The payment will be for three months while the family is still displaced. Other measures include helping Iraqi refugees in neighbouring countries with free airline tickets if they choose to return home, the free shipment of their belongings, and compensation for damaged property. “These decisions are designed to facilitate and expedite the return of displaced families to their houses to boost the peaceful coexistence among Iraq’s different components in mixed areas,” the statement said.
According to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), over 4.2 million Iraqis have fled their homes since the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003. Of these, about 2.2 million are living as refugees in neighbouring countries - mostly Syria and Jordan - while the remainder are IDPs.
Measures welcomed
The new measures have been welcomed by some IDPs and analysts in Baghdad. “These are really encouraging steps by the government,” said Abu Ali, a 55-year-old father of six who was displaced from Baghdad’s western Jihad neighbourhood in late 2006 and is now renting a house in central Harithiyah area. Abu Ali, who refused to give his full name for security reasons, said another displaced family had occupied his house since early 2007 and had refused to pay him rent. “This will help us a lot because the security situation has improved in our neighbourhood since the beginning of the year but this was an obstacle to us,” he added.
Adil Muhsin al-Baghdadi, a Baghdad-based analyst, said the government move was a positive one aimed at ending the displacement problem. “The government has achieved some security gains and wants to maintain them especially with regards to the displacement problem,” al-Baghdadi, who runs the independent Hiwar Research Centre, said. “But, of course, this will not end the displacement problem as its roots lie in political infighting, but at least it will be a positive factor,” he added.
sm/ar/cb
Theme(s): (IRIN) Refugees/IDPs
http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportID=79337
The Iraqi government has adopted a number of measures aimed at encouraging the return of over four million internally displaced persons (IDPs) and refugees to their homes, a government statement has said. The most significant measure is the one-off payment of 1.8 million Iraqi dinars (about US$1,500) to families who are illegally occupying the houses of other displaced families from a different sect and who want to return to their homes, the statement said on 16 July.
The aim is to help those families to rent other places, the statement said. All IDPs or refugees willing to return to their houses will be paid one million Iraqi dinars (about $840), it said.
Another measure stipulates an additional monthly payment of 150,000 Iraqi dinars (about $145) to each internally displaced family which has not yet returned to its home. The payment will be for three months while the family is still displaced. Other measures include helping Iraqi refugees in neighbouring countries with free airline tickets if they choose to return home, the free shipment of their belongings, and compensation for damaged property. “These decisions are designed to facilitate and expedite the return of displaced families to their houses to boost the peaceful coexistence among Iraq’s different components in mixed areas,” the statement said.
According to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR), over 4.2 million Iraqis have fled their homes since the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003. Of these, about 2.2 million are living as refugees in neighbouring countries - mostly Syria and Jordan - while the remainder are IDPs.
Measures welcomed
The new measures have been welcomed by some IDPs and analysts in Baghdad. “These are really encouraging steps by the government,” said Abu Ali, a 55-year-old father of six who was displaced from Baghdad’s western Jihad neighbourhood in late 2006 and is now renting a house in central Harithiyah area. Abu Ali, who refused to give his full name for security reasons, said another displaced family had occupied his house since early 2007 and had refused to pay him rent. “This will help us a lot because the security situation has improved in our neighbourhood since the beginning of the year but this was an obstacle to us,” he added.
Adil Muhsin al-Baghdadi, a Baghdad-based analyst, said the government move was a positive one aimed at ending the displacement problem. “The government has achieved some security gains and wants to maintain them especially with regards to the displacement problem,” al-Baghdadi, who runs the independent Hiwar Research Centre, said. “But, of course, this will not end the displacement problem as its roots lie in political infighting, but at least it will be a positive factor,” he added.
sm/ar/cb
Theme(s): (IRIN) Refugees/IDPs
http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportID=79337
TOLERANCE IS OUT IN EU COUNTRIES
There are too many lessons to learn from the EU on democracy and human rights! That is what comes to our mind first after the announcement of the first report prepared by the EU Fundamental Rights Agency, which last year replaced the European Monitoring Center on Racism and Xenophobia (EUMC).
According to the report of 2008 which the EU Fundamental Rights Agency prepared and submitted to the European Parliament, the EU failed the struggle against racism and discrimination. When you look for a job or a house or make a research about the education opportunities in the EU countries, you see that your ethnic origin is of great importance. What is more, if your name sounds like a foreign name, you may even face discrimination.
The Agency, which was established as a control mechanism in the struggle against discrimination in employment, accommodation, education, health and other fields in the EU, found out that racism, discrimination, and violence and aggression based on racism have become a part of life for the people in Europe. Besides, it also determined that there had been an increase in the racist violence and crimes in at least eight countries of the 27-member EU in the last six years.
What is interesting is that despite the racist escalation in Europe, one cannot see any criminal sanctions due to such practices in Denmark, the Czech Republic, Germany, Estonia, Greece, the Greek Administration of Southern Cyprus, Lithuania, Spain, Poland, Luxembourg, Portugal and Slovenia. The EU Fundamental Rights Agency expressed that the existing legal tools were not used properly against racism and many parts of the "EU's race equality directive" were not fulfilled in these countries. Moreover, it was underlined that should there be a complaint about the racist treatments in the Czech Republic, Luxembourg and Spain, there was not a related commission to handle the issue.
Therefore, it is difficult to get a real picture about racism which became widespread throughout the EU. As it is explained in the report, the dimension of the ethnic violence in the European countries cannot be estimated accurately due to the lack of data at national level. It was reported that governments were not successful in gathering information on racist crimes, and five EU members had not published any data for the period of 2005-2006. Thus, one cannot talk about transparency in the EU.
Meanwhile, Agency Head Anastasia Crickley expressed that although most of the member countries signed the agreements, they were reluctant to make any attempt to solve the problem and to implement the legal regulations in line with the principle of equality. So, one cannot figure out whether the calls of A.Crickley to the European Commission to ensure that its member countries pay more attention to fulfill the EU's race equality directive will be effective.
It is not customary for the EU to criticize its own institutions for their practices in the EU. It seems that foreigners going to Europe for better living conditions cannot expect anything but discrimination and violence. In short, in Europe, racism and discrimination are in, but tolerance is out.
http://www.diplomaticobserver.com/news_read.asp?id=1836
According to the report of 2008 which the EU Fundamental Rights Agency prepared and submitted to the European Parliament, the EU failed the struggle against racism and discrimination. When you look for a job or a house or make a research about the education opportunities in the EU countries, you see that your ethnic origin is of great importance. What is more, if your name sounds like a foreign name, you may even face discrimination.
The Agency, which was established as a control mechanism in the struggle against discrimination in employment, accommodation, education, health and other fields in the EU, found out that racism, discrimination, and violence and aggression based on racism have become a part of life for the people in Europe. Besides, it also determined that there had been an increase in the racist violence and crimes in at least eight countries of the 27-member EU in the last six years.
What is interesting is that despite the racist escalation in Europe, one cannot see any criminal sanctions due to such practices in Denmark, the Czech Republic, Germany, Estonia, Greece, the Greek Administration of Southern Cyprus, Lithuania, Spain, Poland, Luxembourg, Portugal and Slovenia. The EU Fundamental Rights Agency expressed that the existing legal tools were not used properly against racism and many parts of the "EU's race equality directive" were not fulfilled in these countries. Moreover, it was underlined that should there be a complaint about the racist treatments in the Czech Republic, Luxembourg and Spain, there was not a related commission to handle the issue.
Therefore, it is difficult to get a real picture about racism which became widespread throughout the EU. As it is explained in the report, the dimension of the ethnic violence in the European countries cannot be estimated accurately due to the lack of data at national level. It was reported that governments were not successful in gathering information on racist crimes, and five EU members had not published any data for the period of 2005-2006. Thus, one cannot talk about transparency in the EU.
Meanwhile, Agency Head Anastasia Crickley expressed that although most of the member countries signed the agreements, they were reluctant to make any attempt to solve the problem and to implement the legal regulations in line with the principle of equality. So, one cannot figure out whether the calls of A.Crickley to the European Commission to ensure that its member countries pay more attention to fulfill the EU's race equality directive will be effective.
It is not customary for the EU to criticize its own institutions for their practices in the EU. It seems that foreigners going to Europe for better living conditions cannot expect anything but discrimination and violence. In short, in Europe, racism and discrimination are in, but tolerance is out.
http://www.diplomaticobserver.com/news_read.asp?id=1836
Three Germans abducted by PKK safe with Turkish Government
http://www.hurriyet.com.tr/english/domestic/9476928.asp?gid=244&sz=51712
Three German mountaineers abducted by the outlawed PKK on a climbing expedition this month are safe with Turkish government, a Foreign Ministry spokesperson told Reuters on Sunday. The outlawed PKK separatists were forced to release the hostages when they were pursued by Turkish troops aiming to block their escape routes across the border, governor of Agri province told reporters. (UPDATED)
The PKK separatists left the hostages on a hill and fled, Gov. Mehmet Cetin told a televised news conference.
"Half an hour later, paramilitary forces picked them up," he said. Cetin added the three were in good condition and would be handed over to German authorities after a routine medical check.
"We have the German mountaineers. The Foreign Minister Ali Babacan has called the German Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier to inform him," Foreign Ministry spokesman Burak Ozugergin told Reuters earlier on Sunday.
Five PKK separatists last week abducted the climbers, part of a group of 13 mountaineers from their camp at 10,500 feet on a mountain in the eastern province of Agri.
The outlawed PKK separatists had said they would hold the hostages until Berlin ended its crackdown on PKK in Germany.
German Chancellor Angela Merkel made a personal appeal for the release of the Germans, but Steinmeier at the time rejected the demands for a change in policy in return for their freedom.
The Turkish army had launched a wider search operation to rescue the German tourists and Mount Ararat has been declared off-limits until further notice.
The PKK, listed as a terrorist organization by Ankara, the European Union and the U.S. The group has in the past kidnapped people, among them soldiers, police officers, journalists and tourists.
Three German mountaineers abducted by the outlawed PKK on a climbing expedition this month are safe with Turkish government, a Foreign Ministry spokesperson told Reuters on Sunday. The outlawed PKK separatists were forced to release the hostages when they were pursued by Turkish troops aiming to block their escape routes across the border, governor of Agri province told reporters. (UPDATED)
The PKK separatists left the hostages on a hill and fled, Gov. Mehmet Cetin told a televised news conference.
"Half an hour later, paramilitary forces picked them up," he said. Cetin added the three were in good condition and would be handed over to German authorities after a routine medical check.
"We have the German mountaineers. The Foreign Minister Ali Babacan has called the German Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier to inform him," Foreign Ministry spokesman Burak Ozugergin told Reuters earlier on Sunday.
Five PKK separatists last week abducted the climbers, part of a group of 13 mountaineers from their camp at 10,500 feet on a mountain in the eastern province of Agri.
The outlawed PKK separatists had said they would hold the hostages until Berlin ended its crackdown on PKK in Germany.
German Chancellor Angela Merkel made a personal appeal for the release of the Germans, but Steinmeier at the time rejected the demands for a change in policy in return for their freedom.
The Turkish army had launched a wider search operation to rescue the German tourists and Mount Ararat has been declared off-limits until further notice.
The PKK, listed as a terrorist organization by Ankara, the European Union and the U.S. The group has in the past kidnapped people, among them soldiers, police officers, journalists and tourists.
PKK in heart of drug trafficking- U.S. official
The outlawed PKK was involved in drug trafficking, but also other international organized crime, Michael Braun, the assistant administrator and chief of operations of the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), said.
Organizations like PKK, which were involved in drug trafficking and obtaining great deal of income from that trafficking besides being involved in terrorism, could be defined as "hybrid", Braun said on Friday in a special policy forum at the Washington Institute on "drug trafficking and Middle Eastern terrorist groups: a growing nexus?".
He said the United States was working with Turkey and other countries to end the activities of the terrorist organization PKK, adding the best thing to fight against terrorist organizations like PKK and al-Qaida was to demolish the walls and cooperate.
Braun, appointed as the DEA's chief of operations in February 2005, leads the drug-enforcement operations of the agency's 227 domestic and 87 foreign offices.
DEA is a United States Department of Justice law enforcement agency tasked with combating drug smuggling and use within the U.S.
Turkey, provided with intelligence on PKK movements in Iraq by the U.S., has stepped up military action against the PKK, which is listed as a terrorist group by much of the international community including the U.S. and the EU, since December, carrying out several air strikes and a week-long ground incursion into northern Iraq in February, where more than 2,000 PKK separatists take refuge.
http://www.hurriyet.com.tr/english/domestic/9476478.asp?scr=1
Organizations like PKK, which were involved in drug trafficking and obtaining great deal of income from that trafficking besides being involved in terrorism, could be defined as "hybrid", Braun said on Friday in a special policy forum at the Washington Institute on "drug trafficking and Middle Eastern terrorist groups: a growing nexus?".
He said the United States was working with Turkey and other countries to end the activities of the terrorist organization PKK, adding the best thing to fight against terrorist organizations like PKK and al-Qaida was to demolish the walls and cooperate.
Braun, appointed as the DEA's chief of operations in February 2005, leads the drug-enforcement operations of the agency's 227 domestic and 87 foreign offices.
DEA is a United States Department of Justice law enforcement agency tasked with combating drug smuggling and use within the U.S.
Turkey, provided with intelligence on PKK movements in Iraq by the U.S., has stepped up military action against the PKK, which is listed as a terrorist group by much of the international community including the U.S. and the EU, since December, carrying out several air strikes and a week-long ground incursion into northern Iraq in February, where more than 2,000 PKK separatists take refuge.
http://www.hurriyet.com.tr/english/domestic/9476478.asp?scr=1
AL-MALIKI DENIES BACKING OBAMA'S WITHDRAWAL PLAN
www.chinaview.cn
2008-07-20
Special report: Tension escalates in Iraq
BAGHDAD, July 20 (Xinhua) -- Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki denied that he has released statements backing a plan of Democratic presidential candidate Barack Obama which sets a timeframe for possible U.S. troops withdrawal from Iraq, the government's spokesman said on Sunday.
Ali al-Dabbagh said in a statement that Maliki's statements to German magazine Der Spiegel "have been misunderstood and mistranslated and were not conveyed accurately regarding the vision of Senator Barack Obama on the timeframe for U.S. forces withdrawal from Iraq."
Dabbagh explained that Maliki backs an Iraqi vision of pulling U.S. troops based on Iraq's security needs and on talks with Washington, the statement said.
On Saturday, Der Spiegel released an article, quoting Maliki as supporting Obama's proposal that U.S. troops should withdraw from Iraq within 16 months.
"U.S. presidential candidate Barack Obama talks about 16 months. That, we think, would be the right timeframe for a withdrawal, with the possibility of slight changes," the German magazine quoted Maliki as saying.
Dabbagh highlighted that statements made by any member of the Iraqi government, including Maliki, should not be understood as showing support to any U.S. presidential candidate.
http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2008-07/20/content_8587634.htm
2008-07-20
Special report: Tension escalates in Iraq
BAGHDAD, July 20 (Xinhua) -- Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki denied that he has released statements backing a plan of Democratic presidential candidate Barack Obama which sets a timeframe for possible U.S. troops withdrawal from Iraq, the government's spokesman said on Sunday.
Ali al-Dabbagh said in a statement that Maliki's statements to German magazine Der Spiegel "have been misunderstood and mistranslated and were not conveyed accurately regarding the vision of Senator Barack Obama on the timeframe for U.S. forces withdrawal from Iraq."
Dabbagh explained that Maliki backs an Iraqi vision of pulling U.S. troops based on Iraq's security needs and on talks with Washington, the statement said.
On Saturday, Der Spiegel released an article, quoting Maliki as supporting Obama's proposal that U.S. troops should withdraw from Iraq within 16 months.
"U.S. presidential candidate Barack Obama talks about 16 months. That, we think, would be the right timeframe for a withdrawal, with the possibility of slight changes," the German magazine quoted Maliki as saying.
Dabbagh highlighted that statements made by any member of the Iraqi government, including Maliki, should not be understood as showing support to any U.S. presidential candidate.
http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2008-07/20/content_8587634.htm
Speech by the ASSYRIAN FOUNDATION ORGANIZATION's Representative
To read the English translation of the speech delivered by Mr. YAKO BALLO, the Representative of the ASSYRIAN FOUNDATION ORGANIZATION, at the KERKUK Conference at the EU Parliament on 23rd June 2008, please click on the link below:
http://merryabla64.wordpress.com/
http://merryabla64.wordpress.com/
samedi 19 juillet 2008
International staff with UN health agency return to Baghdad on permanent basis
17 July 2008 –
The United Nations World Health Organization (WHO) said today that it has restored a permanent international staff presence in Baghdad for the first time since a suicide bomb attack on the world body’s Iraq headquarters in 2003 left 22 dead and 150 wounded.
The agency said that the recently improved security situation in the country, as well as the UN’s support of Iraq’s International Compact initiative for reconstruction and development, led to the move.
“WHO is here to serve Iraq,” said the agency’s Country Representative, Dr. Naeema Al-Gasseer. “Our day-to-day dealings with the Government and other health partners will be vastly improved by having a permanent international presence here.”
Since the 2003 withdrawal, WHO says that Iraqi personnel have kept working throughout the country, helping national and local authorities deliver vital public health programmes. These included immunization and disease monitoring, prevention and control. Key public health institutions have been rehabilitated and thousands of Ministry of Health staff trained.
Meanwhile, international teams continued conducting missions into Iraq, using the WHO Country Office in neighbouring Jordan as a hub. They responded to public health emergencies, such as controlling avian influenza and cholera outbreaks, and advising on technical issues and health system reform.
WHO says the basing of its international experts in Iraq will accelerate health sector reform.
“WHO will intensify its recovery and relief assistance to Iraq and help its people obtain the healthcare they deserve,” said Dr. Eric Laroche, Assistant Director-General for WHO’s Health Action in Crises Cluster. “This will be done in close collaboration with the Iraqi public, private and civil society stakeholders.”
In a separate development today, the UN Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI) condemned the killing of Abbas Kadhim, a member of the Political Bureau of the Democratic Shabak Assemly, on 12 July in Bartallah.
UNAMI urged the Government of Iraq and the Kurdistan Regional Government to initiate a prompt and thorough investigation.
http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=27401&Cr=Iraq&Cr1=
The United Nations World Health Organization (WHO) said today that it has restored a permanent international staff presence in Baghdad for the first time since a suicide bomb attack on the world body’s Iraq headquarters in 2003 left 22 dead and 150 wounded.
The agency said that the recently improved security situation in the country, as well as the UN’s support of Iraq’s International Compact initiative for reconstruction and development, led to the move.
“WHO is here to serve Iraq,” said the agency’s Country Representative, Dr. Naeema Al-Gasseer. “Our day-to-day dealings with the Government and other health partners will be vastly improved by having a permanent international presence here.”
Since the 2003 withdrawal, WHO says that Iraqi personnel have kept working throughout the country, helping national and local authorities deliver vital public health programmes. These included immunization and disease monitoring, prevention and control. Key public health institutions have been rehabilitated and thousands of Ministry of Health staff trained.
Meanwhile, international teams continued conducting missions into Iraq, using the WHO Country Office in neighbouring Jordan as a hub. They responded to public health emergencies, such as controlling avian influenza and cholera outbreaks, and advising on technical issues and health system reform.
WHO says the basing of its international experts in Iraq will accelerate health sector reform.
“WHO will intensify its recovery and relief assistance to Iraq and help its people obtain the healthcare they deserve,” said Dr. Eric Laroche, Assistant Director-General for WHO’s Health Action in Crises Cluster. “This will be done in close collaboration with the Iraqi public, private and civil society stakeholders.”
In a separate development today, the UN Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI) condemned the killing of Abbas Kadhim, a member of the Political Bureau of the Democratic Shabak Assemly, on 12 July in Bartallah.
UNAMI urged the Government of Iraq and the Kurdistan Regional Government to initiate a prompt and thorough investigation.
http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=27401&Cr=Iraq&Cr1=
KÜRTLER, MİLLET MECLİSİNDEN NE ZAMAN ÇEKİLECEK?
15.07.2008tarihinde, Kerkük meselesini masada tartışır iken, Irak Millet Vekilleri Meclisi bünyesi altında gerçekleşen olaylar, Irak'ın geleceğini ve istikrarını düşünenler için belli bir işarettir.
Kürt Listesi millet vekilleri ve onlar gibi benzer çıkarlar peşinde olanlar Meclis toplantısından çekildiler ki, Kerkük'ün çözümü için, Türkmen, Arap ve Kürtlere 32%'şer ile Kilduaşurlara %4 oranla Kerkük Meclisinde sendeliye dağıtmak, 120 Millet vekilinin sunduğu öneriye oy kullanılmasın,Demokrasi, dar bir kesimin çıkarları için memleketin geleceğine ihanet etmek değil, bunu da Fuat Masum (Bu öneri Kürtlerin kemiğini kırmak demektir) ifadesi ile en iyi şekilde anlatmaktadır.
Uzun zamandan beri Kürtler siyasetten "çekiliriz" tehdidini sık sık kullanmaktadırlar. Tehditleri ve baskıları altında Hareket eden siyaset yüzünden, hiçbir zaman bu tehdidi yapmadılar yapamayacaklar.Kürtlerin Meclis toplantısını bırakmaları, Mahmut Osman'ın yaptığı (Araplar güçlendiği ve güçlü bir ordu kurabildiği zaman, bunlar Kürtlerin aleyhine dönüşecek ve siyasi kazançlarımızı kaybedeceğiz) açıklamayla mübaşir alakası vardır.
Daha önce de Zarfların, Tarih boyuca Türkmen Erbil şehrinin Kürtlere tabi olmasına yardımcı olduğu gibi, 2003'ten sonraki zarflar da, Kürtlerin tehdit edebilecekleri yasal olmayan bir çok kazanca el koymalarına yardımcı olmuştur.
Millet Meclisine gönderdiği yazıda, PUK'de yönetici olan ve Kerkük Meclis Başkanı Rüzgar Ali (Kerkük Petrolünü keseriz) tehdidi başlığı altanda idi.
Rüzgar Ali, (2005'te olduğu özgür ve sahtesiz bir seçim) istemesi, kendileri de seçimin ne kadar sahtekarlık olup olmadığını iyi biliyorlar, İTC'de halen Kerkük seçimi ihlallerine ait fotoğraflar ve belgeler bulunmaktadır.
Rüzgar Ali de, tehdit etmeden önce, Millet Vekili Meclisi, Kerkük'e getirilen 600 Bin Kürt'ün Sahte olmayan, onlara Kerkük etrafındaki Devlet yerlerini, özellikle Altun Köprü ve Dakuk yer dağıtmaları belgelerini talep etmelidir.
Tehditlerinde Rüzgar Ali ciddi ise, o zaman Hükümet ve Millet Meclisi de yanıtlarında ciddi olmalıdır.
Irak Türkmen Cephesi
Enformasyon Dairesi
‘Inside Iraq’ Programme on Al-Jazeera
Iraqi Turkmen Front Europe Representative‘Inside Iraq’ Programme on Al-Jazeera (English)
Please click on:
http://english.aljazeera.net/
On 18th July 2008 the guests in Jasim Azawi’s programme ‘Inside Iraq’ were:
1. Dr. Mahmoud Othman, Member of Iraqi National Assembly (in Baghdad)
2. Dr. Mustafa Al-Hitti, Member of the Iraqi National Assembly (in Baghdad)
3. Dr. Hassan Tawfiq Aydinli, ITF Europe Representative
(in Brussels)
The programme will be repeated 6 more times over Saturday 19 and Sunday 20 July 08.
You can watch the programme at the following (GMT) times:
Friday; 18 July 2008: (05:30 pm and 11.30 pm)
Saturday; 19 July 2008: (04.30 am and 08.30 pm)
Sunday; 20 July 2008: (01.30 am and 01.30 pm)
You can watch the programme at the following (Baghdad) times:
Friday; 18 July 2008: (08:30 pm)
Saturday; 19 July 2008: (02:30 am, 07:30 am and 11.30 pm)
Sunday; 20 July 2008: (04.30 am and 04.30 pm)
You can watch the programme at the following (Brussels) times:
Friday; 18 July 2008: (07:30 pm)
Saturday; 19 July 2008: (01:30 am, 06:30 am and 10.30 pm)
Sunday; 20 July 2008: (03.30 am and 03.30 pm)
In addition, about a week after the show is broadcast, it is uploaded on :
www.aljazeera.net/english (in the Programmes section)
The programme will be repeated 6 more times over Saturday 19 and Sunday 20 July 08.
You can watch the programme at the following (GMT) times:
Friday; 18 July 2008: (05:30 pm and 11.30 pm)
Saturday; 19 July 2008: (04.30 am and 08.30 pm)
Sunday; 20 July 2008: (01.30 am and 01.30 pm)
You can watch the programme at the following (Baghdad) times:
Friday; 18 July 2008: (08:30 pm)
Saturday; 19 July 2008: (02:30 am, 07:30 am and 11.30 pm)
Sunday; 20 July 2008: (04.30 am and 04.30 pm)
You can watch the programme at the following (Brussels) times:
Friday; 18 July 2008: (07:30 pm)
Saturday; 19 July 2008: (01:30 am, 06:30 am and 10.30 pm)
Sunday; 20 July 2008: (03.30 am and 03.30 pm)
In addition, about a week after the show is broadcast, it is uploaded on :
www.aljazeera.net/english (in the Programmes section)
jeudi 17 juillet 2008
TURKMENS: Correct spelling of Turkmen names and cities in Iraq
TO: JOURNALISTS, WRITERS, HISTORIANS...
It is logical and right that Turkmen names should be written in the form preferred by IRAQ'S TURKMENS and according to their own pronounciation.
Therefore, please note that:
1. The correct spelling of the name of Iraq's third main ethnic community, the Turkmens, is :
TURKMENS
and NOT : Turkoman, Turkomen, Turcoman, Turkman, etc.
2. The correct spelling of the Turkmens' capital city in Iraq is :
KERKUK
and NOT: Kirkuk, Kirkouk, Karkuk, etc.
3. Please note the correct spelling of the following Turkmen cities:
TELAFER
and NOT : Tal Afar, Talafar, etc.
ALTUN KOPRU
and NOT : Altoun Kopri or Kupri
TUZ KHURMATU
and NOT : Tuz Hurmatu, Toz Khurmato, Tuz Khurmato, etc.
QIZLARBAT
NOT : Sa'diye
QARAGHAN
NOT: Jalawla
KHANEQIN
NOT: Hanekin
BESHIR
NOT: Al-Bashir, etc.
Please also note that Turkmens use the following spelling for MUSUL,
and NOT: Mosul, Mousil, Mawsil, etc.
CARNAGE A TELAFER, VILLE TURKMENE DANS LE NORD DE L'IRAK
A local police official says at least seven of the dead were children.
Terrorist Attack in the Turkmen city of Telafer in northern Iraq.
Attentat terroriste à Telafer, ville turkmène dans le nord de l'Irak.
Twenty Turkmens killed and one hundred Turkmens injured.
Vingt Turkmènes tués et une centaine de blessés, au moins sept enfants parmi les victimes.
Articles in Arabic:
http://www.tanis-turkmen.nl/index.php?sub=news&oi=8547&lang=ar&page=1
http://www.tanis-turkmen.nl/index.php?sub=news&oi=8544&lang=ar&page=1
mercredi 16 juillet 2008
Bernard Kouchner and Hervé Morin at the EU Parliament
15th July 2008 15.00 - 16.30
Exchange of views with Mr. Bernard Kouchner, Minister of Foreign and European Affairs of the French Republic and acting President-in-office of Council, and Mr. Jean-Pierre Jouyet, Minister of State to the Minister of Foreign and European Affairs, on Foreign Policy priorities of the French Presidency. (for second half of 2008: French Presidency).
Many MEPs attended this event and several of them put questions to Mr. Kouchner.
There was only one question related to Iraq, it concerned the death sentence of Mr. Tariq Aziz.
Mr. Marco Cappato, MEP Italy, (List of Emma Bonino) who is opposed to the death penalty put a question to Mr. Kouchner about the fate of Mr. Tareq Aziz who has recently been sentenced to death in Iraq. He asked if he would intervene in order to try and stop the execution of Iraq's former Foreign Affairs Minister.
Mr. Bernard Kouchner's reply was that one cannot make an exception because Mr. Tariq Aziz is a Christian.
15th July 2008 16.30 - 18.00
Exchange of views with Mr. Herve Morin, Minister of Defence of the French Republic, on European Security and Defence.
European Parliament at 50 (Videos)
European Parliament at 50 - videos from half a century
Institutions
Institutions
- 16-07-2008 - 11:03
We have searched through Parliament's video and sound archives to bring you this unique look back on half a century of debate in the European Parliament. We let the images and video clips speak for themselves as we look back at some of the most memorable moments of the last 50 years. It forms part of the celebrations to mark the day on 19 March 1958 when 142 delegates assembled for the first meeting of the then European Parliamentary Assembly.
We have searched through Parliament's video and sound archives to bring you this unique look back on half a century of debate in the European Parliament. We let the images and video clips speak for themselves as we look back at some of the most memorable moments of the last 50 years. It forms part of the celebrations to mark the day on 19 March 1958 when 142 delegates assembled for the first meeting of the then European Parliamentary Assembly.
Please click on the link below to read further and watch the videos:
5. TÜRKMEN KURULTAYI (SONUÇ BİLDİRİSİ)
5. TÜRKMEN KURULTAYI
14 TEMMUZ 2008
KERKÜK-IRAK
SONUÇ BİLDİRGESİ
13 Temmuz 2008 tarihinde Kerkük Şehrinde 5. Türkmen Kurultayı düzenlenmiştir. Türkmen milletinin katılımını sağlamak amacıyla Türkmeneli bölgelerinde yerel seçimler yapılmış, seçimlere 550 delege katılmış, Bağdat, Diyala, Salahaddin, Kerkük, Erbil, Musul ve Telafer’de delegeler Türkmen Meclisi üyelerini seçmiştir. ITC’nin başkan ve Yürütme Kurulu seçimi Kerkük’te yapılmıştır.
Toplantıda tüzük tadilatı ve raporlar görüşülmüş, Ülkenin siyasi durumu, Türkmenlerin durumu ve Kerkük ile ilgili son gelişmeler ele alınmıştır.Toplananlar Irak’ın toprak ve siyasi bütünlüğüne vurgu yaparak, demokrasi ve istikrarın hakim olması için sarfedilen çabaları takdirle karşıladıklarını ve uluslar arası camianın katkılarını önemle değerlendirdiklerini belirtmişlerdir.
Bu bağlamda Arap ülkelerinin Bağdat’ta büyükelçilikler açmalarının ve Türkiye’nin Irak hükümetiyle stratejik ortaklık için teşkil ettiği yüksek konseyin Irak halkı tarafıından takdirle karşılandığı ifade edilmiştir.Irak genelinde sağlanmış olan nisbi güvenlik istikrara olumlu katkılarda bulunacağı düşünülmektedir. İnsanların can ve mal güvenliği devletin sorumluluğunda olup siyasi atılımlarla pekiştirilmeli ve milis güçlerine tevdi edilmemelidir.
Güvenliğin kalıcı kılınması için Irak’ın genelinde ve Türkmen bölgelerinde silahlı güçlerin siyasi partilerin güdümünden çıkarılmalı ve Türkmen bölgelerinde Peşmerge güçlerinin Irak silahlı kuvvetleriyle değiştirilmelidir.Irak’ta siyasi uzlaşmanın bir an önce sağlanması önem taşımaktadır. Bu bağlamda Maliki hükümetinin verdiği çabalar takdirle karşılanmakta ve Türkmenlerin de Irak’ın 3. unsuru olarak bu süreçte etkin rol almaları talep edilmektedir.
Hükümette aktif olarak yerini alan Türkmenler Irak’ın gelişmesi ve demokrasiye önemli katkıları olacağı düşünülmektedir.Anayasa tadilatı çalışmalarının bir an önce sağlıklı şekilde tamamlanması Irak’ın istikrarına büyük katkıda bulunacaktır.
Ancak düzeltmeler yapılırken anayasa referandumunda red oyu kullanan başta Türkmenler olmak üzere Iraklıların itirazları göz önünde bulundurularak mağduriyetlerin giderilmesi gerekmektedir. Anayasada Iraklılık prensibi hâkim olmalı ve Türkmenler Irak’ın 3. kurucu unsuru olarak eşit temsil hakları anayasa güvencesine alınmalıdır.Yerel seçimler yasasının bugüne kadar çıkmamasının nedeni Kerkük üzerinde yapılmış olan emri vakilerdir.
2003’ten sonra Kerkük’ün demografik yapısı büyük ölçüde değiştirilmiştir. Saddam döneminde yapılan değişiklikleri düzeltmeye fırsat verilmeden son 5 yılda yapılmış olan değişiklikler bir Kerkük sorunu ortaya çıkarmış ve aynı zamanda sağlıklı seçim ve referandum ortamlarını ortadan kaldırmıştır. Bu şartlarda Kerkük’te herhangi bir seçim yapmak imkânsızdır, yanlış sonuçlar doğuracak ve istikrarı bozacaktır. Ancak Kerkük’te bugünkü şartların devam ettiği sürece yerel seçimlerin ertelenmesi de anlamsız olacaktır.
Temsilciler Meclisinde 100’ün üzerinde milletvekilinin kanaati de bu yöndedir. Sayın Cumhurbaşkanının da desteklediği % 32 formülüne göre Kerkük’te 4 seçim bölgesinin oluşmasıdır. Aksi takdirde, yerel seçimler takvimi tehlikeye girecektir.
Irak’ın refah kaynağı olan Kerkük ne yazık ki bazı siyasi çevrelerin kurbanı olarak Irak’ın çilesi ve problemi haline gelmiş ve Temsilciler Meclisinde yasaların çıkmasının önünü tıkamıştır. Kerkük sorunu çözülmeden Irak’ta sağlıklı demokrasi ve istikrardan bahsetmek zordur. Kerkük sorunu için sağlıklı bir çözümün Anayasya ve Temsilciler meclisine siyasi dayatmalar yoluyla gerşekleşmeyeceği kesinleşmiştir. Ayrıca Kerkük halkına dayatılan emri vakilerin de sorunu daha da zorlaştırdığı ortadadır.
Kerkük’ün mevcut durumu herhangi bir yasal düzenlemenin uygulanmasına müsait değildir. Tüm tarafların kabul edeceği bir çözüm için ortak bir diyalog zemini oluşturulmalıdır. BM’nin konuyu ele alması bu doğrultuda önemli bir gelişme olarak kaydedilse bile; önerilerinin tarafların eleştirisine maruz kalması bahsedilen ortak zeminin üzerinden hareket etmemesinden kaynaklanmaktadır.
Sorunun tarafları doğru şekilde tanımlanmalı ve Kerkük’te hakim silahlı gücün Irak güvenlik güçleri olmalıdır. Buna ilaveten % 32 formülü uzlaşma ve müzakereler için uygun bir zemin teşkil edeceği düşünülmektedir. Irak’ın sadık vatandaşları olan Türkmenler yeni dönemde de dışlanma politikalarına maruz kalmaktadırlar. Bağdat’ta siyasi temsil hakları kısıtlanmakta ve Irak’ın yönetim kademelerinde yer alamamaktadırlar. Çoğunluğu Türkmen nüfusunun yaşadığı bölgelerde bile Anayasal hak olan resmi dil ugulamasına izin verilmemektedir. Yüzlerce Türkmen okuluna gereken devlet desteği verilmemekte ve Türkmen eğitimi için bir genel müdürlük ihdas edilmemektedir.
Türkmen bölgeleri ihmale uğramış her türlü belediye ve sağlık hizmetlerinden yoksun bırakılmıştır. Bu sıkıntıların giderilmesi için Irak hükümetinin bir takım düzenlemeler yaparak harekete geçmesi talep edilmektedir.Türkmen bölgelerinin güvenliği Irak’ın güvenliğinin bir parçası olup Irak güvenlik güçleri tarafından korunmalıdır. Türkmenler son yıllar içerisinde teröre binlerce şehit vermiş.
Telafer, Emirli ve Kerkük’te katliamlar yaşanmış ancak Türkmen milletvekillerinin güvenlik ile ilgili çağrıları hükümet tarafından cevapsız kalmıştır. Daha fazla kan akmaması için Türkmenler Irak güvenlik güçlerini göreve çağırır ve kendi bölgelerini korumada destek olacaklarını belirtmektedir.
Irak Türkmen Cephesi ülkenin yapılanması ve demokrasinin yerleşmesi için tüm taraflara destek olacağını belirtirken; aradaki sıkıntıları ve problemleri çözmek için başta Kürt siyasileri olmak üzere tüm Iraklı taraflarla diyaloğa açıktır. Kerkük konusu, Erbil’de Türkmenlerin sıkıntıları ve kontrol noktalarında taciz edilen veya tutuklanan Türkmenlerin konusunu da diyalog yoluyla çözüleceği düşünülmektedir.
Irak Türkmen Cephesi Halktan aldığı teveccüh ve destekle 5. Türkmen Kurultayından çıkarken tüm Türkmen güçleri ve toplumunu kucaklayarak hedef birliği, söz birliği ve iş birliği içerisinde bir bütün Irak için çalışacağına söz vermektedir.
5. TÜRKMEN KÜRÜLTAYI DELEGELERİ
14 TEMMUZ 2008
lundi 14 juillet 2008
SADETTİN ERGEÇ, YENİDEN İTC BAŞKANLIĞINA SEÇİLDİ
Tartışmalı ve protestolu geçen 5. Türkmen Kurultayı'nda Irak Türkmen Cephesi (İTC) Başkanı Sadettin Ergeç, yeniden İTC'nin başkanlığına seçildi. Irak'ın kuzeyindeki Kerkük kentinde belediye binası yanında bulunan Meşatıl Medresi Salonu'nda düzenlenen Türkmen Kurultayı bugün sonuçlandı.
Çok tartışmalı ve protestolu geçen bugünkü seçimlere Tel Afer ve Musul üyeleri seçimlerin yanlı olduğu gerekçesiyle katılmayınca 72 delegeden sadece 51'i kurultayda yer aldı. Önceki gün Türkmen Karar Partisi ile Türkmeneli Partisi seçimlerin taraflı olduğu gerekçesiyle kurultaydan çekilmişlerdi. Daha önceki kurultayları canlı veren Türkmen TV de basına kapalı gerçekleşmesinden dolayı bu sefer seçimleri canlı olarak ekrana getiremedi.
Seçimler Sadettin Ergeç ile Türkmen Meclis Üyesi Hasan Turanın arasında bir yarışa sahne oldu. Yapılan oylamada Sadettin Ergeç 51 delegeden 44'ünün oyunu alarak yeninden başkan seçilirken Hasan Turan ise sadece 4 oy aldı. Kurultayda Türkmen Meclis Başkanlığı'na da oy çokluğu ile yeniden Yunus Bayraktar seçildi. İllerin seçimleri ise devam ediyor.
(Cihan Haber Ajansı)
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